With a regional vision, but this time from Central Asia, Azhar Serikkaliyeva, in his chapter “The Role of the Central Asian Region in China’s New Silk Road Economic Belt Project, the Case of Kazakhstan”, analyses how China strategically constructs segmented dynamics in foreign policy, apparent in the diplomatic orientation called “Two Fronts and a Circle” that divides relations with great and emergent powers, as opposed to those that should be constructed in the framework of a peripheral diplomacy. BRI aims to build bridges with developing countries, above all those at the borders and which are strategic for its connectivity objectives. Other regional bodies like the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) created to counter Chinese influence finally engaged with the BRI initiative believing it to be the best option for regional development. The strategic subjects relating to China and its neighbours, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, which together with India and Pakistan are part of the Shanghai Cooperation Council (SCO), all engaged at some point of time with the definition of borders and once this was achieved, they have been ensuring strategies that guarantee national security, the supply of natural resources, especially through energy and gas corridors in the region, counter terrorism and the development of trade infrastructure so as to make of Central Asia a logistical bridge that joins China with Europe. The author mainly uses official sources of regional institutions, reports by international bodies as well as studies by Eurasian authours who specialize in the subject.
Gökhan Tekir is a Turkish researcher at the Middle East Technical University METU, from Smyrna, one of the most liberal regions of the Anatolian peninsula. His vision on the strategic albeit sensitive role of Turkey in the successful implementation of the China initiative (BRI) is presented through a geopolitical analysis with the title “Turkey and the Belt and Road Initiative”. The author focuses on how his country’s relation with China affects political stability, and he takes as his reference point one segment of the six transport routes proposed by China for crossing Central Asia. This is the one that avoids the Russian pass on the stretch that joins Baku in Azerbaijan with Tbilisi in Georgia and Kars in the east of Turkey (BTK). The author shows how Turkey’s decision to join BRI is compatible with the infrastructure and connectivity plans which the Turkish government has been putting into effect for more than a decade now. Turkey is the last port of call in Asia in order to reach Europe, and the megaprojects of rail and road transport on land and sea have to go through Istanbul. Modern infrastructure works are being built in the peninsula of Asia Minor and in the Bosphorus. In contrast to other countries within BRI, the Turkish private sector has an important participation in the construction, management and administration of projects as well as in the national banking system. Tekir’s analysis in chapter 12 studies the political risks inside the Turkish nation. Although Turkey’s close cultural and economic ties with the Turk people of Central Asia (who have the same Altaic linguistic roots), guarantees the acceptance of the Chinese presence throughout the region, the plight of the Chinese Muslims is a matter of grave concern to the Turkish side. The government’s closeness to China after the coup attempt against it in 2016, is the subject of intense debates inside political parties and also affects the relations of the government and business community.
In contrast to Azhar Serikkaliyeva’s regional focus in chapter 11 on BRI and Central Asia, Diana Andrea Gómez, researcher at the Institute of Political Studies and International Relations (IEPRI) National University of Colombia in her piece “Belt & Road Initiative (BRI) the Cities and their Geopolitical Significance”, refers to the initiative as essentially a foreign policy strategy which will benefit the backward regions of East China. The national objectives of development, internationalization and security are reflected in the foreign policy of the country that geostrategically elevate border relations to the same status as the relations with the United States. Diplomacy of the periphery, active development policies, Go West, energy diplomacy are some of the policies that have received a boost through BRI. The cities in this new geography play a fundamental role in the development of connection axes, consumers of goods such as energy resource products all of which favors regional stability.
China’s ascent is undeniable, even if not sudden and immediate. A unipolar landscape will not be sustainable, although the fall of the United States is just an ideological discourse with little substance. But if there is no balance of power among regions and multipolarity is just cosmetic, we will go from one hegemon to another or face another worrisome scenario. The BRI initiative is part of the Chinese endeavour to internationalise its companies and financial corporations, it is also an efficacious narrative built on the relationship with developing countries. Colombia and Latin America should responsibly define their strategy, because they are being urged to clarify their positions which will impact the new world geography. Academics have to be present in this debate and businessmen should also come out of their comfort zones and become facilitators in matters of integration and connectivity. Those who design development policies should assume their responsibilities as part of one State and not as bureaucrats of a government on duty.
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