192
В 1790 году на острове было целых 705 хлопковых плантации, в сравнении с 792 сахарными плантациями. Edwards, An Historical Survey, 163–65, 230, 231. О разведении хлопка в Сан-Доминго см. также: Schomburgk, The History of Barbados, 150. Ragatz, The Fall of the Planter Class, 39, 125; David Eltis et al., The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade: A Database on CD-Rom (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Tarrade, Le commerce colonial, 759.
193
Stefano Fenoaltea, “Slavery and Supervision in Comparative Perspective: A Model,” Journal ofEconomic History 44 (September 1984): 635–68.
194
Moore, “Sugar,” 412, 428.
195
Resat Kasaba, “Incorporation of the Ottoman Empire,” Review 10, Supplement (Summer/Fall 1987): 827.
196
Transactions of the Society Instituted at Londonfor the Encouragement ofArts, Manufactures, and Commerce 1 (London: Dodsley, 1783), 254; Ellison, The Cotton Trade, 28; Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 77; Governor Ode to Lord Sydney, Roseau, Dominica, June 13, 1786, in Colonial Office, 71/10, Public Record Office, London; President Lucas to Lord Sydney, Granada, June 9, 1786, Dispatches Granada, Colonial Office, 101/26; Governor D. Parry to Lord Sydney, Barbados, May 31, 1786, Dispatches Barbados, Colonial Office, 28/60, Public Record Office, London; President Brown to Sydney, New Providence, 23 February 1786, in Dispatches Bahamas, Colonial Office 23/15, Public Record Office, London. О давлении производителей также см.: Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 75–76. Govenor Orde to Lord Sydney, Rouseau, Dominica, March 30, 1788, Public Record office, London, UK.
197
Роль рабовладения в истории капитализма была предметом многих обсуждений и мастерски обобщена Robin Blackburn, The Making of New World Slavery: From the Baroque to the Modern, 1492–1800 (New York: Verso, 1997), 509–80. См. также: важную статью Ronald Bailey, “The Other Side of Slavery: Black Labor, Cotton, and Textile Industrialization in Great Britain and the United States,” Agricultural History 68 (Spring 1994): 35–50; Seymour Drescher, Capitalism and Antislavery: British Mobilization in Comparative Perspective (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 9. Мнение о «втором рабстве» Dale Tomich, The Second Slavery: Mass Slavery, World-Economy, and Comparative Microhistories (Binghamton, NY: Fernand Braudel Center, Binghamton University, 2008). Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch утверждает, что расширение рабства в Америке также вело ко «второму рабству» в Африке; см.: Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch, “African Slaves and Atlantic Metissage: A Periodization 1400–1880,” работа представлена в “2nd Slaveries and the Atlantization of the Americas” colloquium, University of Cologne, July 2012; Voyages: The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, http://www.slavevoyages.org, доступ 31 января 2013.
198
Alan H. Adamson, Sugar Without Slaves: The Political Economy of British Guiana, 1838–1904 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1972), 24; Johannes Postma, The Dutch in the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1600–1815 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 288.
199
См., например: Roger Hunt, Observations Upon Brazilian Cotton Wool,for the Information of the Planter and With a View to Its Improvement (London: Steel, 1808), 3; Chew, History of the Kingdom of Cotton, 28; John C. Branner, Cotton in the Empire ofBrazil: The Antiquity, Methods and Extent ofIts Cultivation; Together with Statistics ofExportation and Home Consumption (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1885), 9, 46; Celso Furtado, The Economic Growth ofBrazil: A Survey from Colonial to Modern Times (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1965), 97; Caio Prado, The Colonial Background of Modern Brazil (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1969), 171–73, quote on 458; Luiz Cordelio Barbosa, “Cotton in 19th Century Brazil: Dependency and Development,” (PhD dissertation, university of Washington, 1989), 31; Francisco de Assis Leal Mesquita, “Vida e morte da economia algodoeira do Maranhao, uma analise das relacoes de producao na cultura do algodao, 1850–1890,” (PhD dissertation, Universidade Federal do Maranha, 1987), 50.
200
Beshara Doumani, Rediscovering Palestine: Merchants and Peasants in Jabal Nablus, 1700–1900 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1995), 99; William Milburn, Oriental Commerce: Containing a Geographical Description of the Principal Places in the East Indies, China, and Japan, With Their Produce, Manufactures, and Trade (London: Black, Parry & Cº, 1813), 281; Mesquita, “Vida e mort,” 63; Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 83.
201
John Tarleton to Clayton Tarleton, St. James’s Hotel, 5 February 1788, 920 TAR, Box 4, Letter 5 Tarleton Papers, Liverpool Record Office. О торговцах хлопком, владевших плантациями, см.: Sandbach, Tinne & Cº Papers, Merseyside Maritime Museum, Liverpool. О торговцах хлопком, торговавших рабами, см.: John Tarleton to Clayton Tarleton, April 29, 1790, letter 8, 4, 920 TAR, Tarleton Papers, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool; Annual Profit and Loss Accounts of John Tarleton, 920 TAR, Box 2 and Box 5, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool.
202
В 1820 году для выращивания хлопка, потребляемого в Британии, требовалось 837 312 акров земли, что заняло бы 7,8 % сельскохозяйственной земли Британии и потребовало бы нанять 198 738 сельскохозяйственных работников. Количество хлопка, потребленного в 1840 году, требовало 3 273 414 акров земли, что заняло бы 29 % сельскохозяйственной земли Британии, и 544 066 сельскохозяйственных работников. Потребление хлопка в 1820 г. (152 829 633 фунтов, по Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 93–4), деленное на урожайность с одного