150 150. Michael Tadman, 2000, ‘The Demographic Cost of Sugar: Debates on Slave Societies and Natural Increase in the Americas’, American Historical Review,Vol. 105, No. 5, pp. 1534–75.
151 151. Richard S. Dunn, 2014, A Tale of Two Plantations: Slave Life and Labor in Jamaica and Virginia, Harvard University Press, p. 73.
152 152. B.W. Higman, 1984, Slave Populations of the British Caribbean,1807–1834, Johns Hopkins University Press, pp. 304–7; 375–7. See also Kenneth K. Kiple, 1984, The Caribbean Slave: A Biological History, Cambridge University Press, pp. 105–6.
153 153. Robert W. Fogel and Stanley L. Engerman, 1979, ‘Recent Findings in the Study of Slave Demography and Family Structure’, Sociology and Social Research, Vol. 63, pp. 567–8. Michael Tadman, however, has challenged the view that mortality rates in the two regions were not far apart, as has Higman. See Tadman, 2000, ‘The Demographic Cost of Sugar: Debates on Slave Societies and Natural Increase in the Americas’, American Historical Review,Vol. 105, No. 5, p. 1558.
154 154. T. G. Burnard, 2001, ‘Prodigious Riches’: The Wealth of Jamaica before the American Revolution’, Economic History Review, Vol. 54, No. 3, pp. 519–20.
155 155. R. B. Sheridan, 1965, ‘The Wealth of Jamaica in the Eighteenth Century’, Economic History Review, Vol. 18, No. 2, pp. 292, 311. Burnard, 2001, op. cit., found that Sheridan greatly underestimated the island’s wealth.
156 156. Douglas Hall, 1962, ‘Slaves and Slavery in the British West Indies’, Social and Economic Studies,Vol. 11, No. 4, p. 307.
157 157. Tadman, op. cit., it should be noted, argues that the diet of U.S. slaves may not even have been the cause of their exceptional rates of natural increase, p. 1559. This, however, is controversial.
158 158. Trevor Burnard and John Garrigus, 2016, The Plantation Machine, p. 38.
159 159. For a detailed examination of the contrasting demographic strategies of U.S. and Jamaican slaveholders, see Kenneth Kiple, op. cit., pp. 104–19.
160 160. The Sociology of Slavery, pp. 94–112. Building on the pioneer work of George Roberts, 1957, The Population of Jamaica, Cambridge University Press, especially Chapters 6–8.
161 161. Kiple, ibid., p. 103.
162 162. H. Klein and S. Engerman, 1978, ‘Fertility Differentials between Slaves in the United States and the British West Indies’, William & Mary Quarterly, Vol. 35, No. 2, pp. 357–74.
163 163. For one explanation for the ‘anomaly’ of Barbados, see Michael Tadman, op. cit., p. 1565.
164 164. See Higman, 1984, Slave Populations of the British Caribbean, p. 314.
165 165. Kiple, op. cit., p. 34.
166 166. Verene A. Shepherd, 2002, ‘Petticoat Rebellion?’: The Black Woman’s Body and Voice in the Struggles for Freedom in Colonial Jamaica’, In the Shadow of the Plantation: Caribbean History, and Legacy, ed. Alvin O. Thompson, p. 24.
167 167. On which, see Hall, 1989, In Miserable Slavery, p. 135.
168 168. Richard S. Dunn, A Tale of Two Plantations, pp. 161–3.
169 169. Kenneth Morgan, 2006. ‘Slave Women and Reproduction in Jamaica, c1776–1834’, History 91(302): 231–53.
170 170. Trevor Burnard, 2004, Mastery,Tyranny, and Desire, pp. 156–62.
171 171. Michael Tadman, 2000, ‘The Demographic Cost of Sugar: Debates on Slave Societies and Natural Increase in the Americas’, American Historical Review,Vol. 105, No. 5, pp. 1534–75, 1555, 1561.
172 172. Dunn, A Tale of Two Plantations, pp. 163–4.
173 173. Tadman, op. cit., pp. 1538, 1543.
174 174. See George Roberts, 1957, The Population of Jamaica, Cambridge University Press, pp. 42–5.
175 175. Thomas J. Marchione, 1980, ‘A History of Breast-Feeding Practices in the English-Speaking Caribbean in the Twentieth Century’, Food and Nutrition Bulletin, Vol. 2, No. 2, The United Nations University, pp. 1–11.
176 176. The striking differences in the demographic patterns of North America and the West Indies were remarked on from the late 18th century and used in abolitionist advocacy. See B. W. Higman, 1984, Slave Populations of the British Caribbean, 1807–1834, pp. 305–6. It was noted by W. E. B. DuBois in his Black Reconstruction in America 1860–1880, Russell & Russell (1935), p. 4. Philip Curtin drew closer attention to it in his 1969 work, The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census, University of Wisconsin Press, pp. 88–91; as did Robert Fogel and Stanley Engerman in their 1974 study, Time on the Cross,W.W. Norton, p. 25.
177 177. The question of the demographic impact of the Atlantic slave trade on West Africa is a thorny one, which this argument carefully avoids. See Patrick Manning, ‘The Slave Trade: The Formal Demography of a Global System’, in J. I. Inikori and S. Engerman, eds, 1992, The Atlantic Slave Trade: Effects on Economies, Societies and Peoples in Africa, the Americas and Europe, Duke University Press, pp. 117–41.
178 178. On which, see Alan S. Rosenbaum, ed., 1996, Is the Holocaust Unique?: Perspectives on Comparative Genocide, Westview Press. And more recently Donald Bloxham and Dirk Moses, eds, 2010, The Oxford Handbook of Genocide Studies, Oxford University Press, especially parts 3 and 4.
179 179. A. Dirk Moses, 2008, ‘The Fate of Blacks and Jews: A Response to Jeffrey Herf’, Journal of Genocide Research,Vol. 10, No. 2, p. 275.
180 180. Jeffrey Herf, ‘Comparative Perspectives on Anti-Semitism, Radical Anti-Semitism in the Holocaust and American White Racism’, Journal of Genocide Research, Vol. 9, No. 4, 2007, pp. 575–600; Seymour Drescher, ‘The Atlantic Slave Trade and the Holocaust: A Comparative Analysis’, in Rosenbaum, op. cit., pp. 65–85.
181 181. Marion A. Kaplan, 1998, Between Dignity and Despair: Jewish Life in Nazi Germany, p. 288. See also pp. 5, 9, 34–6, 150–60, 166, 173–9, 184–200, 299.
182 182. Daniel J. Goldhagen, 1997, Hitler’s Willing Executioners: Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust, Knopf, pp. 168–9.
183 183. Claudia Card, 2003, ‘Genocide and Social Death’, Hypatia, Vol. 18, No. 1, Feminist Philosophy and the Problem of Evil, pp. 63–79.
184 184. Card, ibid., p. 63.
185 185. A. Dirk Moses, ‘Raphael Lemkin, Culture, and the Concept of Genocide’, in Donald Bloxham and A. Dirk Moses, eds, The Oxford Handbook of Genocide Studies, pp. 21, 25.
186 186. Ibid., p. 21.
187 187. James M. Phillippo, 1843, Jamaica: Its Past and Present State, James M. Campbell & Co. p. 95. He also notes that ‘suicide was awfully prevalent’, p. 97.
188 188. The term was coined by Mary Anne Warren in her 1985 study, Gendercide: The Implications of Sex Selection, Roman & Allanfield. It was estimated at 100 million by the Economist in 2010 and by Nobel laureate economist Amartya Sen at 117 million in 2015. https://www.thenews.com.pk/latest/4182-amartya-sen-suggests-solutions-to-gendercide; Economist, 6th March 2010: https://www.economist.com/leaders/2010/03/04/gendercide.Note that the term refers to ‘the deliberate extermination of persons of a particular sex (or gender)’ and includes males, as in the Serbian sex-selective massacre of ethnic-Albanian men in 1999, or the Stalinist purges. However, my focus is on female gendercide, which more approximates the genocidal missing bodies of Jamaican slave society, since the vast majority of the 117 female victims of gendercide are ‘missing’ persons not allowed an existence because of their gender.
189 189. Mary Ann Warren, Gendercide, cited in Adam Jones, 2000, ‘Gendercide and Genocide’, Journal of Genocide Research,Vol. 2, No. 2, pp. 185–211.
190 190. Dan Stone, ‘Genocide and Memory’, in Donald Bloxham and A. Dirk Moses, eds, The Oxford Handbook of Genocide Studies, pp. 102, 114.
191 191.