Transportation difficulties made for slow and uncertain communications. A voyage across the Atlantic could take a month if all went well, but more likely six to eight weeks because of contrary winds or calms or fog or ice. Letters from England, by way of Halifax and Quebec, took from four to eight months to reach York; by way of New York City, the time was about two months. In 1810, the mail required about a month to go from Montreal to York, a direct distance of 350 miles. This time improved slightly before the war (e.g., Brock’s letter of December 11, 1811, to the military secretary was answered from Quebec on January 7, 1812). In this same month, Captain Gray made the trip in only eleven days, taking six days from Montreal to Kingston and five from Kingston to York. During 1812, the speed of communications increased by the use of couriers and a post system along the St. Lawrence, so that letters between Montreal and York reached their destination in only a few days. A letter from Brock at Fort George, dated July 3, 1812, was answered on July 7th by Prevost.[4] From York to Amherstburg dispatches usually took six days and from York to St. Joseph’s they ordinarily required two weeks since they had to go by the roundabout route of the lakes. [5]
Bringing people or goods from Europe or from Lower Canada was expensive, time-consuming, and subject to accidents. In wartime this supply route was vulnerable to attacks at sea, but the greatest exposure to enemy action was the section along the St. Lawrence from Montreal to Kingston. If the Americans attacked here they would “cut off the Communication by Water between the two Provinces,” wrote Gore in February 1809,[6] and everything to the westward would be lost.
Brock tried to make the best of living in Upper Canada, although it lacked the refinements and luxuries of Lower Canada. He was happiest when he was busy, as he told his brothers in September, “Here I am [Fort George] stationed for some time, unless I succeed in the application I mean to make shortly for permission to visit England. At present, Vincent, Glegg, and Williams, 49th, enliven this lonesome place. They are here as members of a general court martial, and are soon to depart, when I shall be left to my own reflections.”[7] They did depart and, according to a correspondent who knew him well, although Brock “often sees ten or a dozen friends” at Government House, “unfortunately he is quite alone not an officer with him.”[8] The writer, William Claus, mentions the absence of Captain Frederick Heriot, Colonel John Vincent, and Captain John Glegg. All these officers had long been in the 49th Foot and so shared experiences with their commanding officer — no doubt over a few bottles of wine.
As winter closed in, Brock’s sense of isolation increased. He wrote to brother Irving in January 1811, “You, who have passed all your days in the bustle of London, can scarcely conceive the uninteresting and insipid life I am doomed to lead in this retirement.” He passed much of his time alone in the evenings; “I read much, but good books are scarce, and I hate borrowing. I like to read a book quickly, and afterwards revert to such passages as have made the deepest impression and which appear to me the most important to remember....” He asked his brother to send him books of history, preferably with maps and translations of ancient authors, “As I grow old, I acquire a taste for study.” For the first time Brock mentions his health, “I feel at this moment infinitely better, but am not quite the thing, without knowing what ails me.” He thought about “directing my steps … to Ballstown, a medicinal water of great celebrity, about twenty miles north of Albany [New York].” But a month later he cancelled the journey because his health was restored and, besides, he did “not admire the manners of the American people.”[9]
He was an amazing man. Despite all the responsibilities on his shoulders and the increasing possibility of war with the United States, he remained a student of history and literature. And, although he wrote in January, “At present I live very abstemiously, and scarcely ever touch wine,” he was not reclusive for he had a reputation for generous hospitality. He enjoyed the company of Colonel and Mrs. Murray, among others, and during the winter he held a ball. Another friend, Colonel James Kempt (the quartermaster-general 1807–11)[10] wrote that he had just received a letter from Mrs. Murray, “Giving me an account of a splendid ball given by you to the beau monde of Niagara and its vicinity, and the manner in which she speaks of your liberality and hospitality reminds me of the many pleasant hours I have passed under your roof.”[11] (He also enjoyed the hospitality of others. At York, Lieutenant Governor Gore provided “an entertainment … to Brig. General Brock, the Members of the Legislative Council, and the House of Assembly, the Officers of the Garrison and the principal gentlemen of the Town and neighbourhood.”)[12]
Brock’s ambition and discontent were known by his friends. One of these, Colonel J.A. Vesey, wrote in April from London, “It is a pity that the 49th should be detained there so long, as it will interfere materially with the promotion of your officers. I fear you will have passed a lonely winter at Fort George, notwithstanding the addition of my friend Murray and his nice little wife to your society.” Perhaps thinking of a cure for Brock’s loneliness, Vesey, who had six children, wished one of them was a daughter old enough for Brock to marry. A month later, the colonel commiserated with Brock for the “stupid and uninteresting time” that he had spent in the colony.[13] His fellow officers’ opinions of Upper Canada undoubtedly reflected Brock’s thoughts.
Brock asked permission to return to England “on account of urgent private affairs requiring my presence,” by which he meant financial affairs. On behalf of the commander-in-chief, Lieutenant-Colonel Torrens wrote directly to Brock, as well as to Governor General Prevost, giving permission as long as Brock could be immediately replaced by another officer, meaning one of equal rank. His command could be taken by Sheaffe because he was on the spot and had “strong claims to employment on the staff.”[14] Brock’s 1804 judgment of Sheaffe was being vindicated. The letter giving Brock permission to return to England arrived in Upper Canada in January 1812, but, to anticipate slightly, Brock turned down the proffered leave because he believed there was the strong possibility of war with the United States. If that occurred, his place was in Canada.
In the Ohio Valley and upper lakes, the aboriginal nations — angered by continued American encroachment on their lands — were drawing closer to war. At a very large gathering at Amherstburg in November 1810, Tecumseh spoke of their determination to defend their lands and their expectation of receiving aid from the Indian Department. Those officials, headed by Matthew Elliot (superintendent at Amherstburg), feared that the tribes “were on the eve of an Indian War,” and the British would have to strive hard to restrain them.[15] No general conflict broke out, but native bands began sporadic raids against American settlements on the Wabash River.
Imaginary portrait of Tecumseh, artist unknown.
LAC, C319
When Tecumseh departed for the southern states to try to persuade tribes there to join his confederacy, Governor Harrison of Indiana determined to undertake a campaign to destroy that confederacy’s base of Prophetstown. He expected this action would finish Tecumseh’s efforts to create a strong aboriginal union and would also safeguard advancing American settlement. Harrison gathered a mixed force about 900-strong of regulars and militiamen, including experienced frontier fighters from Kentucky. During September and October he led a force up the Wabash toward the Tippecanoe River. On November 6th, they camped near Prophetstown. The tribes gathered there feared they would be attacked and, with Tecumseh absent, no leader was strong enough to restrain the most belligerent warriors. Before dawn on November 7th, 600 to 700 warriors did attack, but after a brief, fierce fight the natives were repulsed and Harrison burned the deserted village.
When he returned, Tecumseh had even more reason to seek British support against the Americans. While Americans rejoiced at their success in the battle of Tippecanoe (and Harrison would use this glorious victory to gain the presidency in 1840), their anger