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hastened to form his division in battle array in the Place Vendome, marched with two eight-pounders to the Rue des Vieux-Augustins, and pointed them in the direction of the Section Le Pelletier. General Vachet, with a corps of 'tirailleurs', marched on his right, ready to advance to the Place Victoire. General Brune marched to the Perron, and planted two howitzers at the upper end of the Rue Vivienne. General Duvigier, with his column of six hundred men, and two twelve-pounders, advanced to the streets of St. Roch and Montmartre. The Sections lost courage with the apprehension of seeing their retreat cut off, and evacuated the post at the sight of our soldiers, forgetting the honour of the French name which they had to support. The Section of Brutus still caused some uneasiness. The wife of a representative had been arrested there. General Duvigier was ordered to proceed along the Boulevard as far as the Rue Poissonniere. General Beruyer took up a position at the Place Victoire, and General Bonaparte occupied the Pont-au-Change.

      "The Section of Brutus was surrounded, and the troops advanced upon the Place de Greve, where the crowd poured in from the Isle St. Louis, from the Theatre Francais, and from the Palace. Everywhere the patriots had regained their courage, while the poniards of the emigrants, armed against us, had disappeared. The people universally admitted their error.

      "The next day the two Sections of Les Pelletier and the Theatre Francais were disarmed."

      The result of this petty civil war brought Bonaparte forward; but the party he defeated at that period never pardoned him for the past, and that which he supported dreaded him in the future. Five years after he will be found reviving the principles which he combated on the 5th of October 1795. On being appointed, on the motion of Barras, Lieutenant-General of the Army of the Interior, he established his headquarters in the Rue Neuve des Capucines. The statement in the 'Manuscrit de Sainte Helene', that after the 13th Brumaire he remained unemployed at Paris, is therefore obviously erroneous. So far from this, he was incessantly occupied with the policy of the nation, and with his own fortunes. Bonaparte was in constant, almost daily, communication with every one then in power, and knew how to profit by all he saw or heard.

      To avoid returning to this 'Manuscrit de Sainte Helene', which at the period of its appearance attracted more attention than it deserved, and which was very generally attributed to Bonaparte, I shall here say a few words respecting it. I shall briefly repeat what I said in a note when my opinion was asked, under high authority, by a minister of Louis XVIII.

      No reader intimately acquainted with public affairs can be deceived by the pretended authenticity of this pamphlet. What does it contain? Facts perverted and heaped together without method, and related in an obscure, affected, and ridiculously sententious style. Besides what appears in it, but which is badly placed there, it is impossible not to remark the omission of what should necessarily be there, were Napoleon the author. It is full of absurd and of insignificant gossip, of thoughts Napoleon never had, expressions unknown to him, and affectations far removed from his character. With some elevated ideas, more than one style and an equivocal spirit can be seen in it. Professed coincidences are put close to unpardonable anachronisms, and to the most absurd revelations. It contains neither his thoughts, his style, his actions, nor his life. Some truths are mimed up with an inconceivable mass of falsehoods. Some forms of expression used by Bonaparte are occasionally met with, but they are awkwardly introduced, and often with bad taste.

      It has been reported that the pamphlet was written by M. Bertrand, formerly an officer of the army of the Vistula, and a relation of the Comte de Simeon, peer of France.

      —['Manuscrit de Sainte Helene d'une maniere inconnue', London.

       Murray; Bruxelles, De Mat, 20 Avril 1817. This work merits a note.

       Metternich (vol, i. pp. 312–13) says, "At the time when it appeared

       the manuscript of St. Helena made a great impression upon Europe.

       This pamphlet was generally regarded as a precursor of the memoirs

       which Napoleon was thought to be writing in his place of exile. The

       report soon spread that the work was conceived and executed by

       Madame de Stael. Madame de Stael, for her part, attributed it to

       Benjamin Constant, from whom she was at this time separated by some

       disagreement." Afterwards it came to be known that the author was

       the Marquis Lullin de Chateauvieux, a man in society, whom no one

       had suspected of being able to hold a pen: Jomini (tome i. p. 8

       note) says. "It will be remarked that in the course of this work

       [his life of Napoleon] the author has used some fifty pages of the

       pretended 'Manuscrit de Sainte Helene'. Far from wishing to commit

       a plagiarism, he considers he ought to render this homage to a

       clever and original work, several false points of view in which,

       however, he has combated. It would have been easy for him to

       rewrite these pages in other terms, but they appeared to him to be

       so well suited to the character of Napoleon that he has preferred to

       preserve them." In the will of Napoleon occurs (see end of this

       work): "I disavow the 'Manuscrit de Sainte Helene', and the other

       works under the title of Maxims, Sentences, etc., which they have

       been pleased to publish during the last six years. Such rules are

       not those which have guided my life: This manuscript must not be

       confused with the 'Memorial of Saint Helena'.]—

       Table of Contents

      1795–1797

      On my return to Paris I meet Bonaparte—His interview with Josephine

      —Bonaparte's marriage, and departure from Paris ten days after—

       Portrait and character of Josephine—Bonaparte's dislike of national

       property—Letter to Josephine—Letter of General Colli, and

       Bonaparte's reply—Bonaparte refuses to serve with Kellerman—

       Marmont's letters—Bonaparte's order to me to join the army—My

       departure from Sens for Italy—Insurrection of the Venetian States.

      After the 13th Vendemiaire I returned to Paris from Sens. During the short time I stopped there I saw Bonaparte less frequently than formerly. I had, however, no reason to attribute this to anything but the pressure of public business with which he was now occupied. When I did meet him it was most commonly at breakfast or dinner. One day he called my attention to a young lady who sat opposite to him, and asked what I thought of her. The way in which I answered his question appeared to give him much pleasure. He then talked a great deal to me about her, her family, and her amiable qualities; he told me that he should probably marry her, as he was convinced that the union would make him happy. I also gathered from his conversation that his marriage with the young widow would probably assist him in gaining the objects of his ambition. His constantly-increasing influence with her had already brought him into contact with the most influential persons of that epoch. He remained in Paris only ten days after his marriage, which took place on the 9th of March 1796. It was a union in which great harmony prevailed, notwithstanding occasional slight disagreements. Bonaparte never, to my knowledge, caused annoyance to his wife. Madame Bonaparte possessed personal graces and many good qualities.

      —["Eugène was not more than fourteen years of age when he ventured

       to introduce himself to General Bonaparte, for the purpose of

       soliciting his father's sword, of which he understood the General

       had become possessed.