15 Van Deusen, Nancy E. Global Indios: The Indigenous Struggle for Justice in Sixteenth-Century Spain. Durham: Duke University Press, 2015.
Notes
1 1 I use the terms Indigenous people and natives interchangeably for individuals not mixed biologically with Spanish or Africans.
2 2 I borrow this term from Susana Romano. The term was originally used for European students of grammar and rhetoric. But in the Colegio it came to mean a “trilingual proficiency in Latin, Spanish, and at least one vernacular such as Nahuatl, and which later would qualify the educated Tlatelolco indio for coauthor ship of bi-and [sic] trilingual catechetical texts” (Romano 2004, 262).
3 3 In December 2003 a mural depicting life around Texcoco lake was discovered underneath what used to be the convent of Santiago de Tlatelolco. The paintings were on the walls of a cistern that supplied water to the Colegio. Elements such as aquatic plants and animals, fishing gear, figures of fishermen, and pre-Hispanic symbolic animals such as a jaguar, an eagle, and a heron have been identified, in colors of red, ocher, blue, and black. However, Christian figures, such as angels, have also been depicted. So far only about 13 ft (4 m) of about 52 ft (16 m) have been excavated. This archeological jewel, painted a few years before or around the Colegio’s inauguration (1536), will provide valuable information on pictographic techniques and scene depiction of early New Spain. The information about the discovery was published by the archeologist Salvador Guilliem in “Noticias,” Arqueología Mexicana, 11: 64 (2003): 10–12. I would like to thank Mr Guilliem for allowing me access to the archeological site and for his valuable explanations about the mural’s composition.
4 4 Although some scholars have dated the Annals of Tlatelolco to 1528, by studying some linguistic aspects of Nahuatl, for James Lockhart, the texts could not have been written before the 1540s (Lockhart 1993, 3).
5 5 Rocío Cortés El “Nahuatlato Alvarado” y el Tlalamatl Huauhquilpan (see reference list).
6 6 Sylvie Peperstraete (2007) did a meticulous comparison chapter by chapter between Duran’s Historia and Tezozomoc’s Crónica mexicana in La “Chronique X”…. A new critical edition of the Crónica Mexicana has been published from the earliest manuscript (MS Kraus 117). It is accompanied by nine articles offering important new scholarship, from seven specialists. (See Alvarado Tezozomoc, Hernando. Crónica Mexicana. Edición. José Rubén Romero Galván. Estudio codicológico y paleografía. Gonzalo Díaz- Migoyo. México: UNAM, 2021).
7 7 Susan Schroeder, Anna Cruz, Cristián Roa-de-la-Carrera, and David Tavarés edited Chimapahin’s version and published it in Spanish and in English (Cuauhtlehuanitzin 2010, 2012).
8 8 Susan Schroeder has proposed in “The Truth about the Crónica mexicayotl” (Schroeder 2011, 235) that the Cronica mexicayotl was written in its entirety by Chimalpahin and she considers that Tezozomoc wrote Historia o crónica mexicana, both published in the first volume of the Codex Chimalpahin (Anderson and Schroeder 1997, 26–177). More recently, Gabriel Kruell and Sylvie Peperstraete in a comparative and methodical study of the similarities between both chronicles have identified the correspondences to Tezozomoc, Chimalpahin and other sources (Peperstraete and Kruell 2014). I had seen some of the conformities as well a few years back (Cortés 2003). Kruell even proposes that the Crónica mexicayotl is indeed the lost Crónica X, or a version of it. As part of his Ph.D dissertation (UNAM), Kruell translated to Spanish the Crónica mexicayotl in its entirety, marking in different ink colors the equivalences between the Crónica mexicana and the Crónica mexicayotl and the paragraphs by Chimalpahin and other sources (Kruell 2015). In 2012, the first translation in Spanish and publication of the Crónica mexicayotl from the manuscript formerly known as BFBS 374 or BSMS 374, renamed now as Códice Chimalpáhin was done by Rafael Tena (Tena 2012). Gabriel Kruell published the first critical edition and translation to Spanish of the Crónica mexicayotl from the earliest manuscript contained in Códice Chimalpahin vol. 3, holograph of Chimalpahin. (See Alvarado Tezozomoc, Hernando. Crónica mexicáyotl. Obra histórica de Hernando de Alvarado Tezozómoc editada por Domingo Francisco de San Antón Muñón Chimalpáin Cuauhtlehuanitzin. Estudio introductorio, paleografía, traducción, apéndice calendárico e índice de Gabriel Kruell. Mexico: UNAM, 2021).
9 9 Another indigenous intellectual who was not included in this article is Antonio del Rincón. I mention him here because he was a native linguist who perhaps was the only Indigenous ordained by the Jesuits. He contributed with a Nahuatl grammar. See Kelly S. McDonough The Learned Ones: Nahua Intellectuals in Postcolonial Mexico.
10 10 Recently, a transcription and an English translation of the original manuscript of the History of the Chichimeca Natuion contained in the manuscript now known as Códice Chimalpahin – previously as BSMS 374 or BFBS 374 – has been published by Amber Brian, Bradley Benton, Peter Villella, and Pablo García Loaeza (see reference list).
11 11 Galen Brokaw and Jongsoo Lee edited and published a compilation of articles about Alva Ixtlilxochitl as Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl and his Legacy (Brokaw and Lee 2016). It includes articles from different disciplines of study. Amber Brian published a monograph, Alva Ixtlilxhochitl’s native archive and the circulation of knowledge in colonial Mexico (Brian 2016), where she traces the distribution of knowledge through archival exchange in colonial Mexico, mainly between Alva Ixtlilxochitl and don Carlos de Sigüenza y Góngora. Amber Brian, Bradley Benton, and Pablo García Loaeza also published a translation of Alva Ixtlilxochitl “Thirteen Relation” in The native conquistador: Alva Ixtlilxochitl’s account of the conquest of New Spain (2015). CLAR dedicated a volume to articles about Alva Ixtlilxochitl (vol. 23.1 Colonial Latin American Review 2014). Also see John Schwaller, “The Brothers Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl and Bartolomé de Alva: Two Native Intellectuals” (Schwaller 2014).
12 12 The Historia de Tlaxcala has also been published as the Descripción de la ciudad y provincial de Tlaxcala creating the confusion between the original Descripción given to Felipe II and the amended Historia de Tlaxcala. In 1947 the Ateneo Nacional de Ciencias still published the chronicle as Historia de Tlaxcala, the title also used by Alfredo Chavero in 1892; however, in 1981, René Acuña published the chronicle with the title Descripción de la ciudad y provincial de Tlaxcala (Hernández 2011, 311 N.42, n.43. n44).
13 13 As mentioned before, with new scholarship on Don Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl, the distribution of knowledge during his time and the impact of his works and those collected by the Sigúenza y Góngora collection have been a focus of great interest; see the reference list (Brian 2016, García Loaeza 2016), the Introduction to a recent translation on the History of the Chichimeca Nation, and Peter Villella (2016).
5 Memory and “Writing” in the Andes
Sara Castro-Klaren
How the past is understood marks indelibly our sense of the present and its possibilities. The idea of discussing memory and “writing” in the Andes during the first century after the Amerindians came into contact with Europeans allows for an all too necessary inclusion of semiotic systems that engage memory but do not engage “writing” in the restrictive sense in which the term has been used in European history. While “writing” sets the introduction of European alphabetic writing as the point of departure for the examination of historiography and all literacy in the Andes, memory opens up the possibility of considering other modes of encoding knowledge and memory, such as the khipu, keros (drinking vessels), the ceque system (Zuidema, 1990), dance, ritual, and even architecture. In The Shape of Inca History: Narrative and Architecture in an Andean Empire (1999), for instance, Susan Niles argues that “in royal architecture, no less than in their narratives, the Incas shaped historical events, giving material form to claims based on victories in battle, encounters with gods, and deeds carried out by their kings” (xvii). In fact it is the numeracy of the khipu and the relation of architecture to narrative poetics (2–84) that