Getting China Wrong. Aaron L. Friedberg. Читать онлайн. Newlib. NEWLIB.NET

Автор: Aaron L. Friedberg
Издательство: John Wiley & Sons Limited
Серия:
Жанр произведения: Социология
Год издания: 0
isbn: 9781509545131
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A new, globe-spanning system would be built “on the twin pillars of political and economic freedom.”30

      Reflecting its deep, ideological roots, this image of a desired future was shared by Republicans and Democrats alike. Having replaced him as president, Bill Clinton essentially picked up where Bush had left off, recasting the same basic principles and assumptions into a new, formal grand strategic doctrine. In a 1993 speech entitled “From Containment to Enlargement,” Clinton’s first National Security Advisor, Anthony Lake, noted that the demise of the Soviet Union provided America with “unparalleled opportunities to lead.” To the greatest extent possible, Lake argued, the United States should use its position of overwhelming strength to “promote democracy and market economics in the world.” Thus, he concluded, “ the successor to a doctrine of containment must be a strategy of enlargement – enlargement of the world’s free community of market democracies.”31

      Material trends: democratization, marketization, globalization

      Lake’s bumper-sticker summary of America’s new grand strategy never gained the same currency as George Kennan’s notion of “containment,” but it was apt nonetheless. As the post-Cold War era began, the United States set its sights on expanding the scope of what had been a partial, geographically constrained liberal order to include the entire world and, in particular, the swath of Eurasia that extended from Eastern Europe, across the newly independent republics of the former Soviet Union, to China. Here the aim was to “help democracy and market economics take root” where they had not already done so, and to “foster and consolidate” new liberal regimes when they did begin to blossom.33

      In dealing with the nations that had arisen out of the wreckage of the Soviet empire in Eastern Europe, the United States and its allies used the promise of incorporation into Western political institutions and the global economy as a tool for encouraging liberal reforms. The states that eventually earned full membership in this way were, at the outset, weak, poor, and, for the most part, eager to change. More challenging and, in the long run, more important were Russia and, above all, China. Lacking sufficient leverage to compel their transformation, the democracies effectively inverted the strategy they had used to such good effect along the periphery of the former Soviet empire. Rather than hold out the possibility of inclusion as an inducement to liberalization, the United States and its allies worked instead to bring Russia and China as fully as possible into the existing order and, in particular, into the open global economy, in the hopes that doing so would help speed their domestic economic, political, and social transformation. Instead of change followed by inclusion, the formula was reversed to inclusion followed by change.

      This belief was not merely the product of wishful thinking, of course; there was ample evidence that seemed to back it up. The dramatic scenes in Berlin, the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the evident desire of people in many parts of its former empire to throw off their shackles and join the West all lent credence to the notion that liberalism had triumphed. Further to the east, China had already begun its march towards market-oriented economics. While Tiananmen represented a terrible setback, Americans, in particular, could take comfort from the fact that student demonstrators had quoted Thomas Jefferson, Tom Paine, and Woodrow Wilson and rallied around a papier-mâché “Goddess of Democracy” that resembled their own Statue of Liberty. It was easy for Western observers to believe that those reactionaries in the Communist Party leadership who still opposed liberalization were engaged in a futile effort to hold back the tide of history.

      Democratization was accompanied by a parallel trend towards what can best be described as “marketization”: an increased emphasis on market mechanisms in national economic policy, as opposed to more statist, interventionist approaches to fostering growth and development. This tendency, too, had become evident well before the end of the Cold War. The so-called “market revolution” or “Reagan–Thatcher revolution” that began in Britain and the United States also reverberated across the global South.38 During the 1980s, often under pressure from international financial institutions to which they owed large sums, many developing countries proceeded to abandon subsidies, state-owned enterprises, and high tariffs in favor of deregulated banks, reduced government spending, privatization of industry, and liberalized trade.39 This package of policies embodied what came to be referred to as the “Washington Consensus”: the agreed wisdom of international lending institutions, backed by the US and other Western governments, on the best way of promoting economic development.40

      The evident success of the turn towards markets produced what historian Hal Brands has described as “a powerful sense of triumph” in Washington. Brands quotes a 1991 speech by Secretary of the Treasury Nicholas Brady that illustrates the point. Events in the developing world had proven that “freedom works,” Brady declared. “Free markets work. These simple principles have moved nations; they have altered the course of history.”41 The collapse of Communism across the former Soviet empire and its evident retreat in China strengthened this sense of vindication while at the same time expanding the geographic and political space in which market principles could be applied to include virtually the entire planet.

      The increasing integration of market-oriented national economies was the third and last trend that helped convince US decision-makers that the time to complete construction of a liberal international order was finally at hand. This phenomenon was the result of the convergence of mutually reinforcing developments in policy and technology that seemed by the 1990s to have acquired overwhelming momentum. As with marketization, these tendencies became visible first in the advanced industrial West before spreading to the South and finally to the East.