In other language settings, there may be classes with students who all speak the same language. This class composition is called a homogeneous population, because they share a similar first language. These distinctions are important, because the types of activities a teacher may use differ if they all share a language.
Generally, there are more heterogeneous class compositions in second language settings and more homogeneous groups in foreign language contexts. However, there are always exceptions to this pattern.
ESOL stands for English to speakers of other languages. The contexts for ESOL are similar to ESL—contexts where the language used outside of the classroom is English. This acronym was introduced to explicitly alleviate a problem, which was that the acronym ESL implied studying English as a “second,” not “additional,” language. ESOL implies students may speak more than one other language.
ESOL was adopted by several U.S. states in their laws and by TESOL International Association and its affiliates in their names. For example, Washington Association for the Education of Speakers of Other Languages (WAESOL) (https://waesol.org) and Peru Teachers of English to Speakers of Other Languages (http://www.perutesol.org).
EFL represents English as a foreign language. It describes the study of English in contexts where the language used outside of the classroom is not English. Often the language employed outside of the classroom is the students’ primary language. For example, the study of English in countries such as China, Japan, Saudi Arabia, Thailand, Ukraine, and the United Arab Emirates.
There are some inherent issues with the use of EFL. EFL is one of the older acronyms to describe the study of English. With the use of the world “foreign,” it has a negative connotation of otherness or oddity. In the field of TESOL, we hope to bridge cultural differences, so emphasizing otherness is counterproductive.
Despite the anachronistic nature of some of these acronyms, they do provide a clear distinction in context, which provides insiders with information about the amount of language practice and practice opportunities, and duration and type of instruction. For example, in Japan, elementary school children have English class for a couple of hours per week in which they learn basic vocabulary for families, food, hobbies through games and song. By middle and high school, students have English class daily, in which they learn speaking, listening, reading, and writing through choral drills, oral presentations, readings, interactive activities, and games. Much of the learning is about memorization and repetition. The classroom formats generally revolve around the teacher. The teacher asks a question and calls upon a student, for example. We call this teacher-centered interaction. For example, students in Japan may access outside-of-class opportunities to develop their oral language skills on the internet, but interaction within the community in English is not necessary, and often not even possible. Because of this and other factors, Japanese English learners tend to struggle with their oral language proficiency. This example is not intended to demonize the instruction of English in Japan. Actually, there are many exciting, culturally congruent practices employed by knowledgeable educators in Japan. These are generalizations to illustrate associations common with the EFL setting only. Although these are generalizations, generalizations are valuable at times.
English as an international language
EIL stands for English as an international language. It describes the study of English as it is used internationally. The term recognizes the use of English as a “lingua franca” or common language for communication. The concept of lingua franca will be further discussed in Chapter 4. EIL implies that English is used among individuals who may not be native speakers or bound to traditional native-speaker language norms. The contexts associated with EIL are in multilingual settings such as large, international cities (e.g., Hong Kong, Macau, Singapore, Doha, and Dubai) or on the internet.
The use of English in these contexts may generate new language patterns or norms that have more to do with efficient communication and clarity than with traditional or formal English language use; however, speakers are typically successful in their communication. Kate had frequently interaction with speakers of diverse languages while living in Doha, Qatar, where roughly 88% of the population is from outside the country (Demographics of Qatar, 2019). Many individuals were from nearby countries in the Middle East and Asia, but also from the Philippines and Malaysia. The official language of Qatar is Arabic. English is also employed there as an international language, because it is a commonly learned language and many people have learned some of it. Street names were often not marked, so it was often necessary to negotiate at length with cab drivers about where to go, and how to get to a particular location. Communication between Kate and a cab driver depended in large part on each speaker’s knowledge of the area and abilities in Arabic for the street names and oral English. Many language shortcuts were taken to ensure that they understood each other and had the same location in mind. These types of interactions, if frequent, create new language patterns.
Language extinction, linguistic imperialism, and language policy
In locations worldwide, the native languages of communities are becoming extinct, meaning there are no new speakers of the language due to the increased usage of other languages. Often these other languages are English, French, Portuguese, and Spanish. To demonstrate the decreasing use of indigenous languages, Oré and Diaz (2019) report that, “Brazil, the region’s most linguistically diverse country, runs the risk of losing a third of its 180-plus languages by 2030. In Mexico, almost two thirds of its 68 languages are on the brink of disappearance. This trend repeats in Argentina, Bolivia, Colombia, Chile, Ecuador, Paraguay, Peru and Central America” (Oré & Diaz, 2019). The growth of English as a lingua franca is a contributing factor in language extinction.
Increasingly, people who do not have any intention of living or working in an English-speaking country need to be able to speak English for work and other purposes, so they opt to learn it. On one hand, that is a good for the employment prospects of TESOL professionals; on the other, it means that some native languages and/or indigenous languages are not maintained in some contexts. For example, a refugee to the United States from Guatemala who speaks Quechua and Spanish would learn English in the United States. That individual may also use Spanish, since it is a common language there. Furthermore, that individual might choose not to speak Quechua to their children. If the children of this individual learn to speak English and Spanish, the result is that there are fewer speakers of Quechua. This is how languages die out over time.
As a whole, the current extinction of languages worldwide can be traced back to the imperialism in the 16th to 19th centuries. Phillipson (1992) and Canagarajah (2003) linked the dominance of English worldwide and the rise of English as a lingua franca to the imperialistic endeavors of Britain in places such as, India, Hong Kong, Nigeria, and the United States in Guam, the Philippines, and Puerto Rico. When these colonizing forces took control of these locations, English became the language of power and knowing the language of those in power was an advantage; however, with the upsurge of English, the native languages declined. Moreover, the colonizers’ values and ideologies were promoted during the instruction of English in these locations. Linguistic imperialism is the promotion of one dominant language to the exclusion of others and the furtherance of the cultural values and ideologies associated with the dominant language.
The practice of linguistic imperialism varies in intensity and intent. A community may be forced simultaneously to learn the language of a colonizing force and to consciously suppress the native language. This was the case in many of the satellite nations of the former Soviet Union and Native American nations of the United States. Other cases of linguistic imperialism are less intentional and hegemonic (i.e., the social, cultural, and linguistic sway applied by a dominant group). For example, in India, where there are 121 languages spoken, the arrival of English meant that those who communicated only in non-English languages were at a distinct disadvantage; therefore, people opted to learn English. In this case, the British teachers did promote British culture, values, and