7 Darnell, J.C. (2007). The antiquity of Ghueita temple. Göttinger Miszellen, 212, pp. 29–40.
8 Depuydt, L. (2010). New date for the Second Persian Conquest, end of Pharaonic and Manethonian Egypt: 340/30 B.C.E. Journal of Egyptian History, 3, pp. 191–230.
9 Devauchelle, D. (1995). Réflexions sur les documents égyptiens datés de la Deuxième Domination perse. Transeuphratène, 10, pp. 35–43.
10 Hoffmann, F., Quack, J. (2007). Anthologie der demotischen Literatur. Berlin: Lit Verlag.
11 Jansen‐Winkeln, K. (2002). Die Quellen zur Eroberung Ägyptens durch Kambyses. In T.A. Bács (ed.), A Tribute to Excellency: Studies Offered in Honor of Erno˝ Gaál, Ulrich Luft, László Török. Budapest: Université Eötvös Loránd, pp. 309–319.
12 Kuhrt, A. (2010). The Persian Empire: A Corpus of Sources from the Achaemenid Period. London/New York: Routledge.
13 Lippert, S. (2016). Ein saitisch‐persisches Puzzlespiel: Untersuchungen zur Chronologie der Dekoration des Amun‐Tempels von Hibis. In S.L. Lippert, M. Schentuleit, and M.A. Stadler (eds.), Sapientia Felicitas: Festschrift für Günter Vittmann zum 29. Februar 2016. Montpellier: Université Paul‐Valéry, pp. 355–387.
14 Martin, C. (2011). The Demotic texts. In B. Porten (ed.), The Elephantine Papyri in English. Three Millennia of Cross‐Cultural Continuity and Change. Second revised edition, Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, pp. 276–384.Mysliwiec, K. (1998). Herr beider Länder: Ägypten im 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr. Mainz: von Zabern.
15 Pestman, P.W., Vleeming, S.P. (1994). Les papyrus démotiques de Tsenhor (P. Tsenhor). Les archives privées d’une femme égyptienne du temps de Darius Ier. Leuven: Peeters.
16 Posener, G. (1986). Du nouveau sur Kombabos. Revue d'Égyptologie, 37, pp. 91–96.Posener, G. (1936). La première domination perse en Égypte. Recueil d’inscriptions hiéroglyphiques. Le Caire: Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale.
17 Schäfer, D. (2011). Makedonische Pharaonen und hieroglyphische Stelen: Historische Untersuchungen zur Satrapenstele und verwandten Denkmälern. Leuven/Paris/Walpole, MA: Peeters.
18 Sherman, E.J. (1981). Djedḥor the Saviour, statue base OI 10589. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, 67, pp. 82–102.
19 Shore, A.F. (1988). Swapping property at Asyut in the Persian period. In J. Baines, T.G.H. James, A. Leahy, and A.F. Shore (eds.), Pyramid Studies and Other Essays Presented to I. E. S. Edwards. London: Egypt Exploration Society, pp. 200–206.
20 Smith, H., Martin, C.J. (2009). Demotic papyri from the sacred animal necropolis of North Saqqara: certainly or possibly of Achaemenid date. In P. Briant, M. Chauveau (eds.), Organisation des pouvoirs et contacts culturels dans les pays de l’empire achéménide. Paris: Boccard, pp. 23–78.
21 Smith, H.S., Andrews, C.A.R., and Davies, S. (2011). The Sacred Animal Necropolis at North Saqqara: The Mother of Apis Inscriptions. London: Egypt Exploration Society.
22 Spiegelberg, W. (1932). Die demotischen Denkmäler III: Demotische Inschriften und Papyri (Fortsetzung) 50023–50165. Berlin: Reichsdruckerei.
23 Traunecker, Cl. (1980). Un document nouveau sur Darius Ier à Karnak. Cahiers de Karnak 6, pp. 209–213.Vittmann, G. (1998). Der demotische Papyrus Rylands 9. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
24 Vittmann, G. (2003). Ägypten und die Fremden im ersten vorchristlichen Jahrtausend. Mainz: von Zabern.
25 Winnicki, J.K. (2006). Der libysche Stamm der Bakaler im pharaonischen, persischen und ptolemäischen Ägypten. Ancient Society, 35, pp. 135–142.
FURTHER READING
1 Briant, P. (2002/2006). From Cyrus to Alexander: A History of the Persian Empire. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns. Monumental standard work that makes rich use of Egyptian text and is indispensable for understanding the sources in their historical and ideological context.
2 Klotz, D. (2015). Persian period. In W. Grajetzki, W. Wendrich (eds.), UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology. Los Angeles: University of California, Los Angeles, Department of Near Eastern Languages and Cultures. (http://digital2.library.ucla.edu/viewItem.do?ark=21198/zz002k45rq)
3 Menu, B. (2008). L’apport des autobiographies hiéroglyphiques à l’histoire des deux dominations perses. Transeuphratène, 35, pp. 143–163. Analyses the attitude of Egyptian officials toward the Achaemenid kings on one hand and toward their personal gods on the other.
4 Posener, G. (1936). La première domination perse en Égypte: Recueil d’inscriptions hiéroglyphiques. Le Caire: Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale. The standard collection of selected hieroglyphic texts with translations and philological commentaries.
5 Vittmann, G. (2011). Ägypten zur Zeit der Perserherrschaft. In R. Rollinger, B. Truschnegg, and R. Bichler (eds.), Herodot und das Persische Weltreich – Herodotus and the Persian Empire, Classica et Orientalia 3. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, pp. 373–429. Commented survey especially, but not exclusively, of hieroglyphic sources from Achaemenid Egypt, also considering the later Egyptian sources.
6 Wasmuth, M. (2017). Ägypto‐persische Herrscher‐ und Herrschaftspräsentation in der Achämenidenzeit, Oriens et Occidens 27. Stuttgart: Steiner. The author explores the concept of Achaemenid rule over Egypt on the basis of the contemporaneous Egyptian and Persian monuments.
7 Wasmuth, M., Creasman, P. P., eds. (2020). Udjahorresnet and His World, Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections 26. Tucson, AZ: Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections. Most of the fourteen contributions are dedicated to various aspects relating to Udjahorresnet and his famous statue.
CHAPTER 13 Lydian, Carian, and Lycian Sources
Ivo Hajnal
Persians on Lycian, Lydian, and Carian Inscriptions
In 541 BCE, Cyrus II conquered the Lydian domain and formed the satrapy of Lydia. This marked the end of independence for the small states of southwest Anatolia. With regard to the epigraphic sources, however, the Iranization of the epichoric societies seems to be limited:
The Lycian inscriptions and coinage provide 16 anthroponyms that plausibly are of Iranian origin. Only nine of these belong to persons related to Lycia itself, who, for example, act as dynasts or are mentioned as builders of steles or graves.
The Lydian inscriptions prove only four anthroponyms that are of certain Iranian origin. They demonstrate that bearers of Iranian names took part in local life and assumed central positions. For example, a certain Mitridasta‐, son of Mitrata‐, was a priest in the Artemis temple of Sardes.
The Carian inscriptions do not show any direct traces of Iranian influence.
Historic and Prosopographic Notes on the Lycian Evidence
The Lycian inscriptions permit most conclusions on Achaemenid presence in the pre‐Hellenistic period. The relevant inscriptions are presented below in chronological order.
1 The “Xanthos Stele” (TL 44; around 400 BCE)The most important source of local history is the so‐called “Xanthos Stele” (TL 44) – a tomb pillar (or possibly the pillar of a cenotaph) that bears three texts in Lycian, Milyan (“Lycian B”), and Greek. The timeframe of these texts reaches from about 430 BCE until 395 BCE. The texts present the honored dynast's achievements for the community as well as his military successes. The following passages refer to the Achaemenid presence in the region:TL 44a.36 et seq. mentions the Lycian and “Median” cavalry in parallel (esbedi hmenedi trm͂mil[ije]di se medezedi “with the h., Lycian and Median