78 ‘Ezase Pitoli’ ‘Pretoria News’, Ilanga, 6 December 1912.
79 N. Mokhonoana and M. Strassner, Zincwadi eziqoqiwe ngolwazi lolimi lwesiZulu ngonyaka ka 1998/Bibliography of the Zulu Language to the Year 1998 (Pretoria: National Library, 1999): 1.
80 Sol Plaatje to Silas Molema, 8, 14 August 1912, Wits Historical Papers, Molema-Plaatje Papers, Da19–20; Willan, Sol Plaatje: 158. Plaatje was able in September to relaunch Tsala ea Becoana as Tsala ea Batho, incorporating Motsualle ba Babatsho, which is not to be confused with Motsoalle.
81 ‘Iso Lase Swazini’, Ilanga, 8 November 1912; Christison, ‘African Jerusalem’: 782.
82 ‘Transvaal Notes’, Indian Opinion, 19 October 1912. Given this time frame, the Swazi printing press initially may not have been used to print Abantu-Batho; see Chris Lowe’s chapter in this volume.
83 ‘Ezase Pitoli’, Ilanga, 11 October 1912: ‘Kukona ilima elikulu laba Mmeli, oMessrs Mangena no Seme lokwenza ipepa lezindaba “Newspaper” elizobizwa ngokutiwa “Native Advocate”’.
84 ‘Ezase Pitoli’, Ilanga, 6 December 1912; T. D. M. Skota (ed.), The African Yearly Register, Being an Illustrated National Biographical Dictionary (Who’s Who) of Black Folks in Africa, 2nd ed. (Johannesburg: Esson, [1932]): 43; Walshe, The Rise of African Nationalism: 32; Switzer, The Black Press: 28; L. Switzer, ‘Introduction’, in L. Switzer (ed.), South Africa’s Alternative Press: 30; Rosenthal, Bantu Journalism: 13; ‘Moemedi oa Batho’ (‘South African Native Advocate)’, Tsala ea Batho, 24 May 1913; ‘Izindatyana NgeZinto naBantu’, Ilanga, 1 November 1912.
85 I thank Sifiso Ndlovu for the latter idea (e-mail to the author, 25 July 2011).
86 S. Msimang, ‘History of Black Politics in South Africa’: 3, paper presented to a NUSAS seminar, April 1972 (copy in Digital Innovation South Africa, <http://www.disa.ukzn.ac.za>). My thanks to Paul Landau for this.
87 Skota, The African Who’s Who: 65, who imperfectly recalls the merger as occurring in 1913: Chris Lowe (e-mail, 21 August 2011) suggests he may have conflated Dunjwa’s earlier move to Abantu-Bantu in 1913 with the merger. An early mention of this paper is in ‘Awomhlei Amazwi’, Ilanga, 12 May 1911.
88 R. T. Kawa, ‘Oziroxisileyo’, Imvo, 8 October 1912.
89 Ramosime of the Transvaal Native Organisation is listed as Molomo oa Batho editor (‘List of Native Newspapers in circulation throughout the Union …’ and ‘List of Native Newspapers printed in the Transvaal Province’ (1911), NASA, Pretoria, SNA 494 826/11; I thank Chris Lowe for this). Ramosine was a Johannesburg delegate to the SANNC executive in 1914 (‘SA Native National Congress’, Tsala, 15 August 1914).
90 ‘Abantu Batho’, c. February 1916, DNL 1329/14 D48. A Native Affairs note of 1911 also reveals the editorial details. Saul Msane was based at 10 Kruis Street in 1914 (Saul Msane, ‘The Natives’ Land Act 1913’, Ilanga, 30 January 1914).
91 Ilanga, 1 September 1916; Christison, ‘African Jerusalem’: 791. The Government Printer confirmed that in ‘September last the Native newspaper “Molomo-oa-Batho” was incorporated in the “Abantu-Batho”’ and that since the latter had guaranteed that ‘[g]overnment announcements would appear in the amalgamated paper in the three Bantu languages … the monthly allowance (£8.6.8) made to the former was discontinued, the amount paid to the latter was doubled’ (F. Knightly, Government Printer to SNA, 29 March 1917, ‘Advertising in Native Newspapers’, DNL 144/13, A.3/64/1206). Advertising rates were modest: in 1930 a single column per inch per insertion cost four shillings (notice in Abantu-Batho, 27 November 1930). On advertising, see chapter 11 in this volume.
92 ‘Yinina Le!’, Umlomo wa Bantu, c. January 1914, repr. in Tsala ea Batho, 14 January 1914.
93 See the fine cameos on components of this politics in Odendaal, Vukani Bantu! up to 1912; Bonner, ‘The Transvaal Native Congress’ on 1918–20; and P. la Hausse de Lalouvière, ‘“Death Is Not the End”: Zulu Cosmopolitanism and the Politics of Zulu Cultural Revival’, in B. Carton, J. Laband and J. Sithole (eds), Zulu Identities: Being Zulu, Past and Present (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press Press, 2008): 256–72 on how Rand ‘cosmopolitanism life’ helped Zulu intellectuals combine ethnic patriotism with racial nationalism into an ideological weapon.
94 H. Jones, A Biographical Register of Swaziland to 1902 (Pietermaritzburg: University of Natal Press, 1993): 400–2. She encouraged Malunge and Sobhuza to align with the ANC (P. LaNdwandwe, ‘Akusiko Kwami, Kwebantfu’: Unearthing King Sobhuza II’s Philosophy (Eshowe: Umgangatho, 2009): 50).
95 M. Genge, ‘Power and Gender in Southern African History: Power Relations in the Era of Queen Labotsibeni Gwamile Mdluli of Swaziland, ca. 1875–1921’, PhD, Michigan State University, 1999: 407.
96 O. O’Neil, Adventures in Swaziland: The Story of a South African Boer (New York: Century, 1921): 364.
97 C. C. Watts, Dawn in Swaziland (Westminster: Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, 1922): 40–41.
98 H. Filmer and P. Jameson, Usutu! A Story about the Early Days of Swaziland (Johannesburg: CNA, 1960): 9, 55.
99 A. Kanduza, ‘Intellectuals in Swazi Politics’, in S. Dupont-Mkhonza, J. Vilakati and L. Mundia (eds), Democracy, Transformation, Conflict and Public Policy in Swaziland (Kwaluseni: OSSREA, 2003): 57.
100 H. Macmillan, ‘A Nation Divided? The Swazi in Swaziland and the Transvaal, 1865–1986’, in L. Vail (ed.), The Creation of Tribalism in Southern Africa (London: James Currey, 1989): 295, citing Mabaso, manager, Abantu-Batho Ltd. to Financial Secretary, Swaziland, 15 August 1927, and the liquidator, Abantu-Batho Ltd. to Resident Commissioner, Swaziland, 24 January 1929, SwNA, RCS 51/26.
101 ‘Ezase Goli’, Ilanga, 30 April 1915.
102 Abantu-Batho 11, 20 March 1914, in D. H. Gillis, The Kingdom of Swaziland: Studies in Political History (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1999): 160–66; reproduced in J. S. Crush, The Struggle for Swazi Labour, 1890–1920 (Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1987): 224–25 and in National Archives of the United Kingdom, Colonial Office (CO) 417/546.
103 La Hausse de Lalouvière, ‘Death Is Not the End’.
104 B. Anderson, H. Barker and S. Burrows, ‘Introduction’, in H. Barker and S. Burrows (eds), Press, Politics and the Public Sphere in Europe and North America, 1760–1820 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002): 1, 17.
105 J. Aitchison, The Word Weavers: Newshounds and Wordsmiths (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007): xi.
106 Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o, Decolonising the Mind: The Politics of Language in African Literature (London: James Currey, 1986); L. Hardwick, ‘Playing around Cultural Faultiness: The Impact of Modern Translations for the Stage on Perceptions of Ancient Greek Drama’, in A. Chantler and C. Dente (eds), Translation Practices: Through Language to Culture (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2009): 167, 183.
107 Brian Willan has pushed back the date of such engagements to the 1870s in ‘Whose Shakespeare? Early African Engagement with Shakespeare in South Africa’, paper presented to the Fourth European Conference of African Studies, Uppsala, June 2011.
108 ‘S.A. Native Congress’, Tsala ea Batho, 17 February 1912; Odendaal, Vukani Bantu!: 274.
109 J. M. T., ‘Inxube Vange’, Ilanga, 6 December 1912; C. Lowe, e-mail, 19 May 2011 suggests English, isiZulu and Sesotho capacity was there with Letanka, Seme and Kunene, while isiXhosa may have come in part via Seme’s isiXhosa-speaking first wife.
110 P. St-Pierre, ‘Translating (into) the Language of the Coloniser’, in S. Simon and P. St-Pierre (eds), Changing the Terms: Translating in the Postcolonial Era (Ottawa: University of Ottawa, 2000): 275.