Bodies That Work. Tami Miyatsu

realized the plight of his people. Later, he was educated at Harvard University and the University ←15 | 16→of Berlin. Nevertheless, severe racism barred the scholar—one with a Ph.D. and oversea research experience—from obtaining a faculty position in white universities in the United States. In 1896, Du Bois arrived at Philadelphia to undertake a thorough study of Philadelphia Negro, commissioned by Susan Warton, a wealthy philanthropist. Through research, Du Bois determined to probe into the social mechanism of racism: “The Negro problem was in my mind a matter of systematic investigation and intelligent understanding. The world was thinking wrong about race, because it did not know. The ultimate evil was stupidity. The cure for it was knowledge based on scientific investigation” (“Science and Empire,” Dusk of Dawn, 596). Whereas Washington ascribed racism to an inevitable and unavoidable human instinct, Du Bois thought it arose from the lack of intelligence, which, therefore, could be cured with science. In 1900, Du Bois criticized Washington, stating that his strategy of compromise resulted in African American disfranchisement, second-class citizenship, and withdrawal from institutions of higher training. After Washington’s death, however, Du Bois reevaluated the race leader as being “more than colored,” because of his “peculiarly American” qualities, such as his “struggle upward against terrific odds” and “indomitable persistence and versatility of expedient.” Additional details are provided in both Dusk of Dawn and Anderson’s introduction to The Philadelphia Negro.

7. Judy Lorraine Larson, “Three Southern World’s Fairs: Cotton States and International Exposition, Atlanta, 1895, Tennessee Centennial, Nashville, 1897, South Carolina Inter-State and West Indian Exposition, Charleston, 1901–1902: Creating Regional Self Portraits” (PhD diss., Emory University, 1999), 174–77. Washington’s “accommodationist” view, which acquiesced to disfranchisement and Jim Crow laws, contrasted strikingly with Frederick Douglass’s antagonistic attitude toward “the people of the south.” Two years earlier, Douglass said at the World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago, “The mass of them are the same to-day that they were in the time of slavery, except perhaps that they think they can murder with a decided advantage in point of economy.” Washington’s views on economic self-reliance which strategically encompassed an improved relationship with white people long survived his death. See also John A. Garraty and Eric Foner, eds., The Reader’s Companion to American History (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1991), 1132.

8. Washington, Up from Slavery, 16. Comparing slavery to “the school,” Washington later posed a question to whites on whether to make his race an asset or a liability to America.

9. Washington, Up from Slavery, 20.

10. Encyclopedia Britannica, s.v. “Body Politic,” https://www.britannica.com/topic/body-politic (accessed November 3, 2017); Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan (1651; repr., New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 7.

11. John Winthrop, “A Model of Christian Charity,” 1630, TeachingAmericanHistory.org, http://teachingamericanhistory.org/library/document/a-model-of-christian-charity/ (accessed June 2, 2019).

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12. Winthrop, “Model of Christian Charity.”

13. Washington, “Atlanta Exposition Address,” 18.

14. Washington, “Atlanta Exposition Address,” 18.

15. Winthrop, “Model of Christian Charity.”

16. Washington, “Atlanta Exposition Address,” 18.

17. Larson, “Three Southern World’s Fairs,” 172.

18. Washington, “Atlanta Exposition Address,” 19–20.

19. Washington, “Atlanta Exposition Address,” 19–20.

20. “The Burden: Colored Men and Women Lynched Without Trial,” Crisis 1, no. 2 (1910): 26, https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/workers/civil-rights/crisis/1200-crisis-v01n02-w002.pdf (accessed May 26, 2019).

21. Stanley M. Elkins, Slavery: A Problem in American Institutional and Intellectual Life, 3rd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976), 59.

22. Sarah A. Soule, “Populism and Black Lynching in Georgia, 1890–1900,” Social Forces 71, no. 2 (1992): 444–45, https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/71.2.431 (accessed June 1, 2019).

23. Harlan, introduction to Up from Slavery, xii.

24. Houston Baker, Jr., “The Promised Body: Reflections on Canon in an Afro-American Context,” Poetics Today 9, no. 2 (1988): 342, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1772693 (accessed February 23, 2019).

25. Baker, Jr., “The Promised Body,” 342.

26. Baker, Jr., “The Promised Body,” 342.

27. Charles W. Mills, “Body Politic, Bodies Impolitic,” Social Research 78, no. 2 (Summer 2011): 584; Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Margaret M. Lock, “The Mindful Body: A Prolegomenon to Future Work in Medical Anthropology,” Medical Anthropology Quarterly 1, no. 1 (1987): 7–8, http://www.jstor.org/stable/648769 (accessed June 1, 2019). For instance, referring to Thomas Hobbes’s Leviathan (1651), a giant monarch functioning as a commonwealth over his subjects, philosopher Charles Mill divides the body politic into one kind (individual, natural, naturally human) and another kind (collective, artificial, civilly human), arguing that the latter shapes the former, resulting in “the double corporeality of the natural in ‘civil’ interaction.” Mills suggests that the materialism of an artificial, politicized body governs the human body at a municipal level, not the other way around. In “The Mindful Body: A Prolegomenon to Future Work in Medical Anthropology” (1987), Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Margaret M. Lock list the following three types of bodies: the individual (material) body or lived self, the social body as a national symbol, and the body politic, a unit to regulate and discipline individual and social bodies. I owe this present research on the stratified body politic and the interaction of such metaphorical