18. Boëthius and Ward-Perkins 1970, 462: “Roman Cyrenaica, unlike Egypt, was a poor province, richer in history than it was in fine contemporary monuments… there are few Roman buildings that are more than local significance.”
19. Thus Walker 1994, 182: “The marginal nature of Cyrene as a centre for early imperial sculpture belies the evidence for building activity in the early years of the first century A.D.” That said, meaningful data is difficult to come by. Traversari 1960, 109, attributes 19 of his draped female statues to the Augustan-Trajanic period, compared to 13 belonging to the Hadrianic-Severan times and 11 to the late Hellenistic era; in other words a respectable 25% out of a total of 43 pieces. On the other hand, Rosenbaum 1960 catalogues some 259 portraits which date after Trajan but assigns a mere 19 pieces to the Augustan-Trajanic period; to these can be added 6 Julio-Claudian family sculptures found in 1989: Walker 1994, 167–84. This leaves Cyrene’s pre-Hadrianic Roman portraits to account for only ca. 0.08% of the total Roman period output. For various reasons, neither Paribeni 1959 nor Huskinson 1975 can contribute to this kind of cursory analysis.
20. Robinson 1927, ccix: “For Cyrene a quickly diminishing coinage somewhat on the imperial model was issued by the Roman governors: this died out before the end of the century, except for an isolated outburst under Tiberius.” In the case of the sanctuary’s coins, of the 821 specimens catalogued by Buttrey, only 4 Roman period issues belong to the years before the reign of Hadrian, and 1 of these pre-dates Augustus. See Buttrey in Buttrey and McPhee 1998, 7, 30.
21. This despite Reynolds’ reminder that “all the surviving literary sources provide a fitful guide to the history of Roman Cyrenaica under Roman rule.” Reynolds 1968, 181.
22. Stucchi 1975, 643–49. Summarized by Laronde 1988, passim but see in particular 1015–18, 1024–28, 1061. See also Reynolds 1989, 119–21; Reynolds 1994, 211–17; Reynolds 1996, 259–64; Gasperini 1996, 154–56.
23. Its title of Caesareum has been assigned to either the time of the dictator or the reign of Vespasian. In either case, a connection to Rome is implicit. See Stucchi 1975, 204nn5, 6, and 206n6. Bonacasa and Ensoli 2000, 91–96.
24. Stucchi 1975, 196n5; Bonacasa and Ensoli 2000, 74–75. For the inscriptions honoring the imperial family, see Stucchi 1965, 211–15.
25. For its epistyle inscription mentioning Augustus, see Stucchi 1965, 177nn1, 2. Stucchi 1975, 120n1.
26. Stucchi 1975, 211n3, 212. For the inscription attributing the complex to Trajan’s proconsul, C. Memmius, see Goodchild 1971, 130n23.
27. Dated to after A.D. 68 by a marble pilaster base inscribed with the names of the priests of Apollo. Stucchi 1961, 70–71n90; Stucchi 1975, 196n8, 197; Bonacasa and Ensoli 2000, 120–21.
28. The repairs are attributed to the intervention of Augustus or Tiberius. Goodchild et al. 1958, 35–39; Bonacasa and Ensoli 2000, 137–45, esp. 140.
29. Lane Fox 1989, 74–75.
30. The locus classicus being the Fortuna Primigenia sanctuary at Praeneste. Kähler 1970, 35, fig. 1, pls. 13–15; Boëthius and Ward-Perkins 1970, 140–46, figs. 77–79, pl. 84.
31. E.g., Baalbek’s Jupiter Heliopolitanus complex, and Gerasa’s A.D. 70 Zeus temenos with its magnificent rising stairs and portico forecourt. On a smaller scale, there is the late 1st century A.D. temple enclosure at Kalat Fakra in Lebanon. Boëthius and Ward-Perkins 1970, 425, 436.
32. Boëthius and Ward-Perkins 1970, 228–29; Kähler 1970, fig. 6; Richardson 1992, 165–67. I am assuming that the apse containing the cult statue by Arkesilas was integral to the 54 B.C. Caesarian design rather than to its Domitianic-Trajanic restoration. If, however, the latter is true, the earliest use of the apse cum half dome to house the cult statue in Rome, at least, may be Augustus’s 2 B.C. Mars Ultor.
33. White and Wright 1998, 28–29.
34. Just how anachronistic the use of Doric for both temples has become by this time is suggested by the overall dimensions and the 6 by 11 columnar layout. The closest analogy to the Apollo Temple, which measures ca. 19.5 by 35 m., is the ca. 321 B.C. Temple of Zeus at Stratos, which measures 16.57 by 32.42 m. Dinsmoor 1950, 339. In the case of the Augustan period repairs carried out on the Zeus Temple, an effort was made to reproduce the late Archaic, early Classical members in the spirit of a modern restoration. The work involved “…the provision of new columns on at least the east side of the peristasis, together with modifications to the columns of the pronaos and opisthodomos.” This in turn required handling exterior capitals, whose weight Goodchild estimated ran 14 tons. Goodchild et al. 1958, 41, 62.
35. The Heraclid who brought Dorians into Sparta. Synesios, Epp. 57 and 113 and Catastasis 5.303A. Goodchild 1976, 240; Bregman 1982, 3n4, 18n4, 63, 169n21.
36. See White andWright 2005, 21 for more on this point.
37. Sjöqvist 1954, 86–104; Wace et al. 1959, 4–11, pls. 2, 3. Boëthius and Ward-Perkins 1970, 122, 459–60; Stucchi 1975, 204nn5, 6.
38. Kraeling 1962, 9–10, 113–15; Stucchi 1987, 292–94.
39. Stucchi 1975, 155ff.
40. Kraeling 1962, 216.
41. White 1993, 163n114.
42. Kraeling 1962, 9: “As such they are not unimportant, for they attest the presence in that city of persons, especially officials, from Egypt.”
43. Kraeling’s phrase. See Kraeling and Wright in Kraeling 1962, 9n42; 85–86; Boëthius and Ward-Perkins 1970, 462–63.
44. If not, he is not portraying a local man adopting the imperial hairstyle; the first is the mutilated velate head of a male member of the Julio-Claudian family. Kane no. 145 was found a short distance to the east of Sacred House S8: White 1971a, 189–90, pl. 85, c. White et al. 1992, 80, fig. 5. Split vertically in two, its surviving half is insufficient to allow a secure identification. The second is the marble statue base, Kane no. 682, that evidently carried a bronze statue honoring Octavia Augusta; it was found to the southeast of Sacred House S5, north of the peribolos wall T1; White 1972–1973, 185nn69–70, pl. 79, a. Its inscription, Reynolds no. A.26, echoes the inscriptions on the inner wall of the Agora’s Augusteum, honoring Apollo Augustus and Diana Livia, as well as another female member of the royal family linked with either Latona, Minerva, or Ceres; Stucchi 1965, 212–13n1; Laronde 1988, 1037, 1040–41. This parallels the situation at Ephesos; during the reign of Tiberius, the priestess of Livia was named Augusta Demeter; Ferguson 1970, 93.
45. Reynolds 1994, 211–17, fig. 3; Kane 1998, 297, Reynolds no. A.28. The inscription reads: “To Ceres Augusta in fulfillment of a vow. M. Romanius Epulo, son of Servius, tribe of Voltinia, Promagister of the company for public revenue in Cyrenaica.”
46. Information, inscriptional and otherwise, available for the Roman period cult of Apollo is more plentiful than what exists for Demeter’s. Romanelli 1943, 90, 210–13; Laronde 1988, 1034–36. Temple estate revenue for Apollo’s cult, first recorded in the 5th century B.C., is epigraphically attested for the reigns of Augustus, Nero, Trajan, and Hadrian as well as later. Applebaum 1979, 72nn450–54. SEG 9.4; 9.75; 9.101; 9.171; 9.74–75.
47. White 1985, 115–16.
48. This summary also can be found in White et al. 1992, 6–14 and in White 2008.
I: PART 2
The