Finding Longitude: How ships, clocks and stars helped solve the longitude problem. Rebekah Higgitt. Читать онлайн. Newlib. NEWLIB.NET

Автор: Rebekah Higgitt
Издательство: HarperCollins
Серия:
Жанр произведения: Историческая литература
Год издания: 0
isbn: 9780007525874
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      Fig. 13 – Navigation instruments used in the late seventeenth century, from Practical Navigation, by John Seller (London, 1672) (detail)

      {National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London}

      [an] abundance of grampuses, which are seldom far from land; but towards evening we had a more evident token, to wit, a little tired bird, something like a lark, came on board us, who certainly is an American, and ’tis likely was ashore this day.8

      The lead and line (Fig. 10) – a lead weight attached to a long rope that was dropped at regular intervals to check the depth and nature of the seabed – gave further help. North Sea sailors, for example, boasted that they could tell west from east from the pebbles that came up with the lead (which had a hollow base ‘armed’ with tallow to pick up seabed samples): those in the west could be broken between one’s teeth.

      Lead, log and lookout worked well for coastal and short journeys, but might not be sufficient for longer ones. As European navigators embarked on increasingly ambitious voyages, often spending months in water too deep for sounding, they began to look to other methods for fixing their position. Being able to fix latitude and longitude with some degree of accuracy became more important.

      One consequence of being unable to measure longitude directly was that seamen sensibly chose quite conservative routes. For example, if a ship set out on what the officers believed to be a direct course to its destination, there was the real danger that they would arrive at the correct latitude but find they had missed the destination. Unfortunately, they would not know whether they had sailed too far to the east or too far to the west, and so would not know which way to turn. The usual practice became to aim well to the east or west at the outset. Once the ship reached the latitude of their destination, they would ‘run down the latitude’ on a westerly or easterly heading, confident that landfall lay ahead. The buccaneer and explorer William Dampier (1651–1715) recorded using this method of latitude sailing on the Batchelor’s Delight in 1684:

      we steered away N.W. by N. intending to run into the latitude of the Isles Gallapagos, and steer off West, because we did not know the certain distance, and therefore could not shape a direct Course to them. When we came within 40 minutes of the Equator we steer’d West ...9

      It was a longer journey but they arrived safely a couple of weeks later.

      On some routes, latitude sailing was a matter of safety. Approaching the south-west coast of India from the Cape of Good Hope, for example, trading vessels needed to avoid the dangerous waters near the Maldives and the Laccadive Islands (Lakshadweep). The recommended course was to keep west to a latitude of 8° or 9° North, where there were safe channels running east to the Indian coast. Ironically, the predictability of latitude sailing made it dangerous in wartime, when enemy ships simply waited at the appropriate latitude for victims to sail to them, a tactic employed by French privateers off the Windward Islands of the Caribbean.

      Mariners’ knowledge and skills, and the quality of their instruments, were crucial for effective navigation, as was the accuracy of charts and geographical data in printed manuals. However, these could be in error, even for areas close to home. Greenvile Collins’s 1693 chart of the Isles of Scilly from his Great Britain’s Coasting Pilot (Fig. 11), for example, placed the St Agnes lighthouse nine miles out of position, while the Philosophical Transactions, the Royal Society of London’s journal, warned in 1700 that the information normally issued for ships heading into the English Channel was dangerously misleading. In less familiar waters, charts were likely to be even more unreliable or incomplete: it would not be until the nineteenth century that Australia’s coastline would be fully drawn on European charts (Fig. 12).

      Nonetheless, mariners had a set of methods that brought together centuries of accumulated seafaring knowledge with instruments and techniques that could be used to fix a ship’s position and course, and navigate it safely from A to B and back again (Fig. 13). The staple was dead reckoning, the only routine method of determining longitude until the end of the eighteenth century, and the dominant one long after that. It was straightforward, used a relatively inexpensive suite of instruments and worked well enough in most situations.

       Early attempts to measure longitude

      While most mariners could not determine their longitude at sea with the tools normally available, there were occasional attempts to do so, since the theories were sound. The most obvious approach was to use eclipses, which were predictable and simultaneously visible from different locations. By comparing the local time of the eclipse on a ship with the predicted time at a specific place, noted in astronomical tables such as Regiomontanus’ Ephemerides or Zacuto’s Almanach Perpetuum, a mariner could work out the longitude difference from that place.

      Eclipses had long been used for observations on land, including an ambitious project of the 1570s and 1580s to fix the positions of different parts of the Spanish empire and improve the maps and charts held secretly by the Council of the Indies, the governing body for the Spanish colonies in America. The scheme relied on local officials building a simple moondial and marking the position of the Moon’s shadow on the dial when the eclipse began and when it ended. They then copied the marks onto paper and sent them with details of the length of the Sun’s shadow at noon back to Spain for analysis. It was perfect for keeping sensitive cartographic information secret but the data was fiendishly complex to process and was riddled with error. A more successful project was Philipp Eckebrecht’s world map of 1630, which used lunar eclipse data to plot many of the locations and was the first to equate one hour of time, astronomically determined, to 15° of longitude.

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      Fig. 14 – Two English ships wrecked in a storm on a rocky coast, by Willem van de Velde the Younger, c.1700

      {National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London}

      Eclipses could not provide a routine solution at sea, however, since they occur infrequently, although they could be tried out occasionally. Christopher Columbus made observations twice in the Caribbean, in 1494 and again in 1503, although his results were not impressive in terms of accuracy. That said, his observations were more in the way of experiments and were taken at anchor, rather than as part of routine navigation at sea, for which he used dead reckoning. Nonetheless, he did believe that ‘with the perfecting of instruments and the equipment of vessels, those who are to traffic and trade with the discovered islands will have better knowledge’.10

      Alternatively, eclipse observations from a ship could be compared with observations taken at another location, but only when the results could be brought together at a later date. On 29 October 1631, a Welsh explorer, Thomas James, viewed a lunar eclipse from Charlton Island in what is now Nunavut, Canada, during a voyage in search of the North-West Passage. Meanwhile, the mathematician Henry Gellibrand observed it at Gresham College, London, and was later able to calculate the longitude difference from James’s figures as 79° 30' (a modern reckoning would place James’s position as 79° 45' west of Gresham College). Gellibrand considered this an impressive result that augured well for future advances in the art of navigation.

      Almost forty years later, John Wood used eclipses of the Moon for on-the-spot longitude determinations when he was master’s mate on John Narbrough’s 1669–71 expedition to the Pacific, which was instructed to bring back geographical information and lay the foundations for future trade in South America. Observations at sea of a partial eclipse on 26 March 1670 gave the longitude of Cape Blanco (Cabo Blanco in southern Argentina) as 69° 16' W, while today’s value is 65° 45' W. Another observation a little further south on 18 September placed Port Desire (Puerto Deseado) at 73° W, the correct longitude being 65° 54' W. Wood also measured the position of the harbour of St Julian (Puerto San Julián, also in Argentina) from a conjunction