Connected: The Amazing Power of Social Networks and How They Shape Our Lives. James Fowler. Читать онлайн. Newlib. NEWLIB.NET

Автор: James Fowler
Издательство: HarperCollins
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Жанр произведения: Социология
Год издания: 0
isbn: 9780007356423
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speed. You can tell whether your spouse is mad at you very quickly, but having her explain it to you may take a good deal more time (especially if she insists that you guess why she is mad before she tells you). You can walk through the door at home at the end of the day and immediately know whether the environment is safe or dangerous, and that is quite a trick our ancestors bequeathed us.

      Of course, rapidly coordinated emotions are not always a good thing. If you come home and are in a bad mood, your partner will often detect it long before you resort to the more laborious process of explaining why you are in a bad mood. And before you have a chance to explain, she might already have caught your bad mood, which may lead to an argument and a downward spiral.

      Emotional Contagion

      Emotions spread from person to person because of two features of human interaction: we are biologically hardwired to mimic others outwardly, and in mimicking their outward displays, we come to adopt their inward states. If your friend feels happy, she smiles, you smile, and in the act of smiling you also come to feel happy. In bars and bedrooms, at work and on the street, everywhere people interact, we tend to synchronize our facial expressions, vocalizations, and postures unconsciously and rapidly, and as a result we also meld our emotional states.

      Nowhere do we show our emotions more than on our faces. It is not difficult to explain why our facial expressions change in response to environmental stimuli or how this may be evolutionarily adaptive. Recent research, for example, has provided insight into how two facial expressions, fear and disgust, moderate our reception of sensations coming from the outside world.7 When we are terrified, our eyes widen and our nostrils flare to help us see and smell more of our surroundings, just as the ears of a dog perk up when it hears something interesting. Similarly, when we are disgusted, such as by an offensive odor, our noses wrinkle and our eyes narrow to reduce the impact. Air intake increases when we are afraid and decreases when we are disgusted.

      Yet, facial expressions appear to have evolved not just to modify our experience of the world as individuals but as a way to communicate with others. Over time, this aspect of facial expressions probably eclipsed their original role. Such changes happen often in evolution. Feathers may have arisen merely to insulate the bodies of prehistoric reptiles, but they wound up contributing to a different and more important advantage, the ability to fly.

      We developed an ability to read the facial expressions of others. Hence, we benefit when our own faces are contorted in disgust and by being able to notice whether others’ faces are contorted in disgust. Humans have an extraordinary knack for detecting even small changes in facial expressions. This ability is localized in a particular area of the brain and can even be lost, a condition tongue-twistingly known as prosopagnosia. Reading the expressions of others was probably a key step on the way toward synchronizing feelings and developing the emotional empathy that underlies the process of emotional contagion.

      Even as early as 1759, it was apparent to founding economist and philosopher Adam Smith that conscious thought was one way we could feel for others and hence feel like others: “Though our brother is upon the rack…by the imagination we place ourselves in his situation, we conceive ourselves enduring all the same torments, we enter as it were into his body, and become in some measure the same person with him, and thence form some idea of his sensations, and even feel something which, though weaker in degree, is not altogether unlike them.”8

      However, emotions spread in ways beyond simply reading faces and thinking about the experiences of others. There is actually a more primitive, less deliberative process of emotional contagion, a kind of instinctive empathy. People imitate the facial expressions of others, then, as a direct result, they come to feel as others do. This is called affective afference, or the facial-feedback theory, since the path of the signals is from the muscles (of the face) to the brain, rather than the more usual, efferent pathway from the brain to the muscles. The beneficial effects of facial expressions on a person’s mood are among the reasons, for example, that telephone operators are trained to smile when they work, even though the person at the other end of the line cannot see them. This theory also explains why it helps to smile when your heart is breaking.

      One biological mechanism that makes emotions (and behaviors) contagious may be the so-called mirror neuron system in the human brain.9 Our brains practice doing actions we merely observe in others, as if we were doing them ourselves. If you’ve ever watched an intense fan at a game, you know what we are talking about—he twitches at every mistake, aching to give his own motor actions to the players on the field. When we see players run, jump, or kick, it is not only our visual cortex or even the part of our brain that thinks about what we are observing that is activated, but also the parts of our brain that would be activated if we ourselves were running, jumping, or kicking.

      In one experiment related to emotional contagion, subjects listened to recordings of nonverbal vocal reactions communicating two positive emotions, such as amusement and triumph, and two negative emotions, such as fear and disgust. Investigators monitored the subjects’ brains for a response by placing them in a magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) machine.10 The subjects were told not to react to what they heard. While subjects did not visibly respond to the sounds, the MRI results showed that hearing the cues stimulated parts of the brain that command the corresponding facial expressions. It seems we are always poised to feel what others feel and to do what others do.

      Emotional Stampedes

      Everyone has experience with emotional contagion: we share a joke with a friend, we feel sad when a spouse cries, we rage against city hall with our neighbors, and we hug our kids tight when they’ve had a bad day. Yet one often overlooked aspect of all this sharing is that emotions spread not only to our friends but to our friends’ friends and beyond—even when we are not present. We are like a herd of buffalo quietly grazing on the plain until one of our neighbors starts to run. Then we start to run, and others start to run, and suddenly, mysteriously, the whole herd is barreling forward.

      Epidemics of emotional states have been reported for centuries. They just have not involved laughter like the Bukoba outbreak. When emotions spread from person to person and affect large numbers of people, it is now called mass psychogenic illness (MPI) rather than the old-fashioned and more poetic epidemic hysteria. MPI is a specifically social phenomenon involving otherwise healthy people in a psychological cascade. Like a single startled buffalo within a herd, a single emotional reaction in one person can sometimes cause many others to feel the same thing, creating an emotional stampede.

      There are two main types of MPI. In the pure-anxiety type, people may feel a variety of physical symptoms, including abdominal pain, headache, fainting, shortness of breath, nausea, dizziness, and so on. In the motor type, people may engage in hysterical dancing, pseudo-seizures, and—yes—laughing, though the actual feelings underlying these behaviors are fear or anxiety. Both types of MPI thus involve the same basic psychological processes.

      Historical records of such phenomena date back to at least 1374, when, in close succession to the Black Death in Europe, “dancing manias” broke out. The first such manias occurred in what is now Aachen, Germany. As described by the German medical historian J. F. C. Hecker in his 1844 book The Epidemics of the Middle Ages, these consisted of people who “united by one common delusion, exhibited to the public both in the streets and in the churches the following strange spectacle. They formed circles hand in hand, and appeared to have lost all control over their senses, continued dancing, regardless of the bystanders, for hours together, in wild delirium, until at length they fell to the ground in a state of exhaustion. They then complained of extreme oppression, and groaned as if in the agonies of death.”11 These people were obviously no happier to be dancing than the African schoolgirls were to be laughing.

      In a bygone era, demons and witchcraft were often seen as causes of these symptoms, but today toxic