It makes sense to remember the letter of four hundred students from the Kaliningrad region, which was published in the «Literary newspaper» («Literaturnaja gazeta») in 1965. The letter insisted the preservation of the ruins as a reminder to future generations about the consequences of the war. First time a public opinion was initiated from the ’bottom’ and announced on the pages of national newspaper: «Since five years the public of Kaliningrad stands up for the preservation of the architectural and historical monument – former Royal Castle…»193 In this regard it could be remembered Keiser-Wilhelm-Gedächtnis-Kirche in Berlin, which was conserved as a symbol for edification of future generations.
As if spied the example of Berlin, the new chief-architect of Kaliningrad, Vladimir Khodakovsky expressed his vision on the pages of newspaper: «It would make sense with simple resources to transform the ruins to the monument against the destructive war… a giant silhouette against the background of the ruins of the castle could create expressive architectural and artistic image»194.
Besides defenders of the castle, who were presented by academic community of Kaliningrad, veterans’ organizations and political authorities were in favour of the demolition of ruins. Already in the mid-1960s, it means 20 years after the war, there is a polarization of views on the architectural heritage of the city195. The remains of the castle were eventually torn down, and the chief-architect of Kaliningrad, Vladimir Khodakovsky resigned in protest to this decision, but the authorities for the first time experienced the collective «voice» of intellectuals who openly called for respect of the memory of the past, regardless of whether is it the Soviet past or not196.
The next phase is inheritance and recovery, as well as studying. This fundamentally new phase was based on the comprehension of 1970s, when took place the first preservation of old buildings and timid restoration work. Inhabitants of the region began to try on the role of the successors of culture of the past. This happened already meaningfully and purposefully. The process was followed by the overcoming of alienation and formation the relationship of belonging, then followed by the theoretical inclusion of heritage into universal cultural wealth. The inclusion of heritage into universal cultural wealth was a decisive step on the path to comprehension by residents their place in the history and culture of this area.
According to historian Eckhard Matthes, «communication with the region has acquired existential significance for the individual»197.
The theoretical basis for active perception was needed and quickly came into conflict with the official ideology. The process of rethinking the place and role of Soviet residents in Kaliningrad totally did not fit into ideological frames. Official propaganda does not take into account the changes in the perception and continued to be based on the «classical» approaches of 1940—50s. Authorities have been faced with the question how to ’submit’ the interpretation of Kaliningrad to the younger generation: myths need to be updated198.
The «new consciousness» has penetrated even in the milieu of the official Soviet authorities and party elite («nomenklatura»). At first, this process was latent and invisible, but slowly being translated into real actions. A prime example of this trend is the activities of Viktor Denisov, one of the Soviet leaders, who on his «own risk» and under his own responsibility «lobbied» in the party organizations the restoration of monuments, and the allocation of financial resources to do so. Viktor Denisov was elected to the chair of the city executive committee (mayor) of Kaliningrad in August 1972. During his office, a lot of attention was paid to housing, development of social and transport infrastructure, planning and organization of public services199. Thanks to his efforts, more social infrastructure was constructed in Kaliningrad than during the previous post-war period. Nevertheless, most importantly, firstly in post-war time from the «top» began the restoration and preservation of historical and architectural monuments. His name is associated with preservation or restoration of a number of historical monuments, which are now «visit cards» of the city and attract many tourists200.
Measures of official propaganda for objective reasons have operated more efficiently on elder people, those who fought at war itself or remember its consequences. Younger generation with the passage of time became less susceptible to the official Soviet interpretation of history of the Kaliningrad region.
Nevertheless, the nature of propaganda was changed, despite the invariance of the official ideology. The propaganda becomes less aggressive and had ’inertial’ character. It was understood by ideologues themselves. It is important to note that even before the ’perestroika’ took place a ’liberalization’ of mass consciousness: firstly, among a limited range of people.
In the first half of the 1980s even before the beginning of «perestroika», were taken first attempts of professional historians to look into the pre-war history of the region. As a result, were published first scientific and publicist editions. Certain changes occur in the minds of the youth subculture that existed in parallel to the official one.
The process of formation of the youth «underground» is proceeds in different parts of the country, as a protest against the official ideology and culture. However, this protest in Kaliningrad is closely linked with the history of the region, and it manifests itself in the lexicon. Increasingly it was possible to hear in everyday speech, «Koenig» instead of «Kaliningrad», «Shpandin»201, and «Dvoryanskoe gnezdo»202. Gradually, these local place names become public to use in Kaliningrad among different social groups. In the late 80’s newspaper «Kaliningradskij Komsomolets» even published an informal map of Kaliningrad, which contained these names203.
Today it is not especially controversial to recognize the multicultural past of the Kaliningrad region. Actually, an informal group of intellectuals was formed already in the early 1980s, calling itself the «Prussian Club». They aimed to recall the memory of Prussia by referring to the old names of the streets in the city, adopt Prussian names and perform sketches dressed in Prussian clothes204. It has become fashionable to be interested in the history of the region. This fashion has reached its peak after the «perestroika».
Time passed, and Kaliningradians felt themselves as an integral part of the territory where they live. This is what is written by those who came to Kaliningrad in the distant 1940—50s, who by their own eyes saw the area changed.
Nadezhda Makushina: «I consider this land as my homeland. I have never been to those places where I came from. I love Kaliningrad, because I have built this city».
Anna Boyko: «At first, the attitude to this territory was like to a foreign land. However, people get used to anything. We built similar houses unlike dissimilar German buildings. We have brought our culture here and destroyed the culture of the true masters. We have lived our Soviet life. It is difficult to talk about mistakes now – times were different. In any case, what is the use of talking about mistakes now? We must try to save what is still the best we have. Especially because I live in the Kaliningrad region almost during all my life, I cannot treat this area other than my homeland»