After the Past. Andrew Feldherr. Читать онлайн. Newlib. NEWLIB.NET

Автор: Andrew Feldherr
Издательство: John Wiley & Sons Limited
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tend to generalize and distance it.

      25 25 Sandberg and Smith (2017) offers a rich collection of recent discussions of various modes of representing the past throughout the republic. For the diversity of the literary tradition, see esp. Levene (2007).

      26 26 Crucial evidence in Cic. Fam. 5.12, discussed in Chapter 2.

      27 27 For an overview, see Riggsby (2007). On Caesar, see esp. Riggsby (2006) and the recent collection by Grillo and Krebs (2019); on Sulla, Smith (2009) and Flower (2015).

      28 28 On the latter aspect of Cicero’s writings, see esp. Rawson (1972).

      29 29 The interpenetration of historiographic interpretation and historical action throughout Roman history, and especially during the triumviral period in which Sallust wrote, is particularly well captured in Henderson (1997, esp. pp. 91–3). However, where he asserts that “historical narratives blur their stake in their own hermeneutics with their interest in the legibility of the social text for the actor-participants, who must read events as they occur” (p. 92), I will argue instead that Sallust’s narratives expose the stakes of the different reading strategies they make available both by dramatizing them within the narrative and by never losing sight of the potential distance between readers and “actor-participants”.

      30 30 Decisive demonstration in Syme (1964, 314–51), with earlier bibliography. Key defenses of the authenticity of the Invective and the Letters include Vretska (1961, 12–15 and 38–48) and Büchner (1967 and 1982, 20–88 and 468–72). There is also a very useful overview in Schmal (2001, 24–30), whose own position that the controversy is insoluble is challenged in turn as defeatist by Woytek (2004), himself convinced that Letters cannot be Sallustian. Samotta (2009) is a recent example of an interpretation of Sallust’s political beliefs that does employ evidence from the Letters; see esp. p. 18 n. 22, with further bibliography. See also Santangelo (2012).

      31 31 Therefore, Santangelo’s caution (2019, 110) against taking account of such “cross-references” seems untenably restrictive.

      32 32 Kraus (1999, 244).

      33 33 Jug. 4–5. See my discussion in section 1 of chapter 2. On Sallust’s deferral of a declaration of why he writes history as a strategy of audience engagement, see also Tiffou (1973, 249). Also very important for this question is Due (1983), esp. pp. 121–2 on the inconsistencies in the justification of history writing in the Jugurtha preface. However, he concludes that the passage is largely, therefore, irrelevant for understanding Sallust’s true motives while I argue that the image it offers of historiography remains an important alternative for his readers to bear in mind.

      34 34 Ant. Rom. 1.8.3 (άλλ’ έξ άπάσης δέας μικτν ναγωνίου τε κα θεωρητικς < κα δείας >, να κα τος περ τος πολιτικος διατρίβουσι λόγους κα τος περ τν φιλόσοφον σπουδακόσι θεωρίαν κα ε τισιν οχλήτου δεήσει διαγωγς ν στορικος ναγνώσμασιν, ποχρώντως χουσα φαίνηται). See Schultze (1986, 135).

      35 35 So even in the generally favorable assessment of Syme (1964, 2) “his writing is … a kind of revenge.” See also Due (1983, 137).

      36 36 Latte (1935, 47–59).

      37 37 Note his first sentence (Syme 1964, 1): “Sallust conquered a new domain for the literature of the Latins”.

      Again, the final scene of Sallust’s first monograph provides a specific point of comparison.3 His account of the corpses of Catiline’s defeated army combines a physical description of where they lay and the front-facing wounds on their bodies with an effort to depict the emotional forces that animated Catiline—Sallust’s words transform the breath his body still expels into the ferocity of spirit he had possessed while alive:

      Sed confecto proelio, tum vero cerneres quanta audacia quantaque animi vis fuisset in exercitu Catilinae. nam fere quem quisque vivos pugnando locum ceperat, eum amissa anima corpore tegebat. pauci autem, quos medios cohors praetoria disiecerat, paulo divorsius, sed omnes tamen advorsis volneribus conciderant. Catilina vero longe a suis inter hostium cadavera repertus est, paululum etiam spirans ferociamque animi quam habuerat vivos in voltu retinens. … neque tamen exercitus populi Romani laetam aut incruentam victoriam adeptus erat. nam strenuissumus quisque aut occiderat in proelio aut graviter volneratus discesserat. multi autem, qui e castris visundi aut spoliandi gratia processerant, volventes hostilia cadavera amicum alii, pars hospitem aut cognatum reperiebant; fuere item qui inimicos suos cognoscerent. ita varie per omnem exercitum laetitia maeror, luctus atque gaudia agitabantur. (Cat. 61)

      But it is not just the image Sallust represents that recalls the subject of the