Post-War Identification. Torsten Kolind. Читать онлайн. Newlib. NEWLIB.NET

Автор: Torsten Kolind
Издательство: Ingram
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Жанр произведения: Историческая литература
Год издания: 0
isbn: 9788771246728
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strength of terror, she argues, exists in its ability to break down the everyday world and destroy the webs of significance into which people’s self-identities are woven. In this way terror was used intentionally by all parties in the war in Mozambique to eliminate political will and military resistance among civilians. But besides unmaking the world, terror also incites different kinds of resistance: retelling the grotesque practices and linking them with the perpetrators, rebuilding broken social relations and institutions of the community, and imagining a world beyond that could function as a source of creativity in everyday life. When listening to the horrible atrocities to which people had been subjected, Nordstrom was furthermore impressed by the concurrent life-generating creativity of her informants. In sum this made her see how in Mozambique peace and solid social relations were built from the bottom up. In a related but less optimistic study of the siege of Sarajevo, Ivana Maček (2000a, 2000b) invents the concept ‘the deserter’s mode of perception’ in an attempt to communicate people’s war experiences. The deserter’s mode is a process “… in which all individuals, faced with unexplainable violent disruptions of their lives, constantly engage in making sense of their situation” (Maček 2000a: 240). It is a sense-making process whereby people, in their attempt to categorise and understand the situation, easily fell victim to the nationalistic discourse that swept the country.

      Narratives

      Different regimes of truth exist for different historical actors, and particularly historical events support any number of different narrative elaborations. (p. 104).

      What her analysis misses, though, is a consideration of other possible ‘regimes of truth’ or discourses that affect the Hutus’ narratives. In a more phenomenologically inspired narrative approach, Jackson (2002) focuses on what he calls ‘the politics of storytelling.’ In the face of violent events and other disempowering circumstances, storytelling (narratives) – understood as “a result of ongoing dialogue and redaction within fields of intersubjectivity” (ibid. 22) – can be seen as a way to transform private meanings into public ones and to sustain a sense of agency, both vital aspects for human existence. In other words, the very act of putting experience into words (and thereby sharing it, making it part of the social) is theorised as a necessary human capacity to overcome the ‘unmaking of the world’ and recreate a meaningful life.

      However, it is also possible to think about narratives and people’s categorisations as less consistent and static than the prevalent use of narratives seems to indicate. When primarily focusing on the ability of narratives to order the world cosmologically and morally, one may overlook the more chaotic, fragmented and contradictory aspect of social life and its strategic uses, especially in post-war societies. The branch of anthropology inspired by Mary Douglas, which basically sees human activity as cosmological ordering of the world, may overlook another feature of social interaction: the persistent situational and strategic mixing of categories. In a study of post-war Croatia, Jansen (2000b, 2006), for instance, shows how on the surface people reproduce the nationalistic rhetoric that has poisoned the whole area, but on closer inspection what looks like conformism is rather a manifestation of agents’ situational and concrete strategies. For instance, a Croat family (from Bosnia) living in a Serbian house in Croatia evoked the authoritative nationalist discourse of ‘language right’ (even though the languages are nearly identical and even though before the war the family lived peacefully with their Bosnian Serb and Muslim neighbours), which allowed them “to resist subjection to another, possible threatening discourse, that of rights of property and return” (Jansen 2000b: 14). This example shows the intricate relationship between discourse and agency, or the way in which people’s narratives of the war are both situational and strategic.

      For some scholars the recent shift in the anthropology of war and violence focusing on experience and narratives is perceived as a blind alley. Schmidt and Schröder (2001) argue, for instance, that this “postmodernist shift in anthropological research on violence” (ibid.7), as they call it, is a hindrance to comparative anthropology. Violence, they claim, can easily be compared to its causes, events and results, but not to its subjective experience of these things. I do not agree. I think that one can actually distinguish some core themes in this ‘postmodernist’ ethnography of war and violence: violence that ‘works’ via its erosion of the everyday, taken-for-granted world; ways of rebuilding meaning when people’s worlds are shattered (a comparison that could be expanded to other areas of research; see, for instance, Cohen and Taylor 1972); and a theoretical discussion of resistance and the ways in which discourses interrelate with processes of recreating meaning through narratives.

      Relevance to my study

      I have outlined three different focuses of research in contemporary anthropology of war and war-related violence: instrumentality/structure, expression and experience/narratives. By focusing on processes of post-war identification (and its counterdiscursive aspect) among the Muslims of Stolac, I primarily adopt the last perspective. However, the other perspectives have also influenced my study.

      In my historical account of the emergence of nationalism in Yugoslavia (Chapter 4) and more specifically in Bosnia Herzegovina (Chapter 9), I follow the instrumental perspective. While my aim is not to explain the war, I show how and why nationalist ideologies became so dominant. And one of the conclusions is that nationalist ideologies served to legitimise a rise to power. I use the structural argument only partly. In short, it is important to acknowledge that the war and war-related violence created a dichotomised space of identity. Ethnicity, which was only