Syntax. Andrew Carnie. Читать онлайн. Newlib. NEWLIB.NET

Автор: Andrew Carnie
Издательство: John Wiley & Sons Limited
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Жанр произведения: Языкознание
Год издания: 0
isbn: 9781119569312
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long sentences with complex syntactic relations. Look at (15). A first reading of this sentence will boggle your average speaker of English. But if you read it a couple of times, it becomes obvious what is intended. In fact, the sentence seems to be structured grammatically.

      15) Who did Keisha say Monique claimed that Suzanne seems to have been likely to have kissed?

      The reason this sentence is hard to understand is that the question word who is very far away from where it gets interpreted (as the object of kiss), and what lies in between those two points is quite a lot of sophisticated embeddings and structure. But once you get a chance to think about it, it gets better and better as a sentence. The most famous example of this kind of effect is called center embedding. English speakers tolerate a small amount of stacking of relative clauses between subjects and verbs, so (16) – while a little clumsy – is still a good sentence for most speakers of English. We have some cheese, the kind that mice love, and it stinks. If you have trouble with this sentence put a big pause after cheese and before stinks.

      16) Cheese mice love stinks.

      But no pauses will fix a sentence in which we put another reduced relative right after mice, with the intended meaning that cheese which is loved by mice who are caught by cats is stinky:

      17) #Cheese mice cats catch love stinks

      This sentence is essentially uninterpretable for English speakers. Chomsky (1965) argued that the problem here is not one of the grammar (as English grammar allows reduced relative clauses after subjects and before verbs), but instead either a constraint on short- term memory7 or a constraint on our mental ability to break apart sentences as we hear them. The English parsing system – that is the system that breaks down sentences into their bits for comprehension – has certain limits, and these limits are distinct from the limits on what it means to be “grammatical”. Sentences (14), (15), and (16) are unacceptable to native speakers in a qualitatively different way than the ones in (13).

      This takes us to a new point. Listen carefully to someone speak (not lecture or read aloud, but someone really speaking in a conversation). You’ll notice that they don’t speak in grammatical sentences. They leave stuff off and they speak in fragments. They start and they stop the same sentence a couple of times. Everyone does this, even the most eloquent among us. So much of what you hear (or see in spoken language corpora) consists of actually “ungrammatical” forms. Nevertheless, if you’re a native English speaker, you have the ability to judge if a sentence is acceptable or not. These two tasks, understanding spoken conversational language and being able to judge the well- formedness of a sentence, seem to actually be different skills corresponding roughly to performance and competence.

      An analogy that might clarify these distinctions: imagine that you’re a software engineer and you’re writing a piece of computer code. First you run it on your own beautiful up-to-date computer and it behaves beautifully. The output of the computer code is one kind of performance of the underlying competence. Then you run it on your little sister’s ancient PC. The program doesn’t perform as you expect. It’s really slow. It crashes. It causes the fan to run continuously and the processor to overheat. Now you go back and look at the code. There are no errors in the code. It meets all the requirements of the computer language. So, from the perspective of competence, your program is okay. The real problem here is not with your code, but with the machine you’re running it on. The processor is too old, there isn’t enough memory and you have a computer that tends to overheat. These are all performance problems.

      What does this mean for the linguist using acceptability judgments as a tool for investigating syntax? It means that when using a judgment, you have to be really clear about what is causing the acceptability or unacceptability of the sentence. Is the sentence acceptable just because you have gleaned enough information from the conversational context (in which case we might consider it a performance effect)? If you hear a sentence that you judge as unacceptable, is it because someone was speaking too quickly and left out a word, or is it because the sentence really doesn’t work as an English sentence at all? This distinction is very subtle, but it is one that syntacticians have to pay careful attention to as they do their work.

      5. A CLARIFICATION ON THE WORD “LANGUAGE”

      To make things even more confusing linguistics sometimes use the term language to refer to the general ability of humans to acquire an i-language and to use that i-language to produce any (particular) e-language. Noam Chomsky calls this ability the Human Language Capacity (HLC). In our football analogy this would be how well you are equipped to play.

      You now have enough information to answer WBE5, GPS5, and CPS7.

      6. WHERE DO THE RULES COME FROM?

      In this chapter, we’ve been talking about our subconscious knowledge of syntactic rules, but we haven’t dealt yet with how we get this knowledge. This is sort of a side issue, but it may affect the shape of our theory. If we know how children acquire their rules, then we are in a better position to develop a proper formalization of them. The way in which children develop knowledge is an important question in cognitive science. The theory of generative grammar makes some very specific (and very surprising) claims about this.

       6.1 Learning vs. Acquisition