months, Mohammed thought proper to reform: for some of them, weary of sitting quiet for three months together, and eager to make their accustomed incursions for plunder, used, by way of expedient, whenever it suited their inclinations or conveniency, to put off the observing of al Moharram to the following month Safar,4 thereby avoiding to keep the former, which they supposed it lawful for them to profane, provided they sanctified another month in lieu of it, and gave public notice thereof at the preceding pilgrimage. This transferring the observation of a sacred month to a profane month, is what is truly meant by the Arabic word al Nasî, and is absolutely condemned, and declared to be an impious innovation, in a passage of the Korân5 which Dr. Prideaux,6 misled by Golius,7 imagines to relate to the prolonging of the year, by adding an intercalary month thereto. It is true, the Arabs, who imitated the Jews in their manner of computing by lunar years, had also learned their method of reducing them to solar years, by intercalating a month sometimes in the third, and sometimes in the second year;8 by which means they fixed the pilgrimage of Mecca (contrary to the original institution) to a certain season of the year, viz., to autumn, as most convenient for the pilgrims, by reason of the temperateness of the weather, and the plenty of provisions;9 and it is also true that Mohammed forbade such intercalation by a passage in the same chapter of the Korân; but then it is not the passage above mentioned, which prohibits a different thing, but one a little before it, wherein the number of months in the year, according to the ordinance of GOD, is declared to be twelve;10 whereas, if the intercalation of a month were allowed, every third or second year would consist of thirteen, contrary to GOD'S appointment. The setting apart of one day in the week for the more peculiar attendance on GOD'S worship, so strictly required by the Jewish and Christian religions, appeared to Mohammed to be so proper an institution, that he could not but imitate the professors thereof in that particular; though, for the sake of distinction, he might think himself obliged to order his followers to observe a different day form either. Several reasons are given why the sixth day of the week was pitched on for this purpose;1 but Mohammed seems to have preferred that day chiefly because it was the day on which the people used to be assembled long before his time,2 though such assemblies were had, perhaps, rather on a civil than a religious account. However it be, the Mohammedan writers bestow very extraordinary encomiums on this day, calling it the prince of day, and the most excellent day on which the sun rises;3 pretending also that it will be the day whereon the last judgment will be solemnized;4 and they esteem it a peculiar honour to Islâm, that GOD has been pleased to appoint this day to be the feast-day of the Moslems, and granted them the advantage of having first observed it.5 Though the Mohammedans do not think themselves bound to keep their day of public worship so holy as the Jews and Christians are cer-
4 See the notes to c. 9, ubi sup. 5 Cap. 9, ibid. 6 Life of Mah. p. 66. 7 In Alfrag. p. 12. 8 See Prid. Preface to the first vol. of his Connect. p. vi., &c. 9 Vide Gol. ubi supra. 10 Kor. c. 9. See also c. 2, . 20. 1 See c. 63, and the notes there. 2 Al Beidâwi. 3 Ebn al Athîr et al Ghazâli, apud Poc. Spec. p. 317. 4 Vide Ibid. 5 Al Ghazâli, ibid.
tainly obliged to keep theirs, there being a permission, as is generally supposed, in the Korân,6 allowing them to return to their employments or diversion after divine service is over; yet the more devout disapprove the applying of any part of that day to worldly affairs, and require it to be wholly dedicated to the business of the life to come.7 Since I have mentioned the Mohammedan weekly feast, I beg leave just to take notice of their two Beirâms,8 or principal annual feasts. The first of them is called, in Arabic, Id al fetr, i.e., The feast of breaking the fast, and begins the first of Shawâl, immediately succeeding the fast of Ramadân; and the other is called Id al korbân, or Id al adhâ, i.e., The feast of the sacrifice, and begins on the tenth of Dhu'lhajja, when the victims are slain at the pilgrimage of Mecca.9 The former of these feasts is properly the lesser Beirâm, and the latter, the greater Beirâm:1 but the vulgar, and most authors who have written of the Mohammedan affairs,2 exchange the epithets, and call that which follows Ramadân the greater Beirâm, because it is observed in an extraordinary manner, and kept for three days together at Constantinople and in other parts of Turkey, and in Persia for five or six days, by the common people, at least, with great demonstrations of public joy, to make themselves amends, as it were, for the mortification of the preceding month;3 whereas, the feast of sacrifices, though it be also kept for three days, and the first of them be the most solemn day of the pilgrimage, the principal act of devotion among the Mohammedans is taken much less notice of by the generality of people, who are not struck therewith, because the ceremonies with which the same is observed are performed at Mecca, the only scene of that solemnity.
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SECTION VIII.
OF THE PRINCIPAL SECTS AMONG THE MOHAMMEDANS; AND OF THOSE WHO HAVE PRETENDED TO PROPHECY AMONG THE ARABS, IN OR SINCE THE TIME OF MOHAMMED.
BEFORE we take a view of the sects of the Mohammedans, it will be necessary to say something of the two sciences by which all disputed questions among them are determined, viz., their Scholastic and Practical Divinity. Their scholastic divinity is a mongrel science, consisting of logical, metaphysical, theological, and philosophical disquisitions, and built on
6 Cap. 63, ubi supra. 7 Al Ghazâli, ubi sup. p. 318. 8 The word Beirâm is Turkish, and properly signifies a feast-day or holiday. 9 See c. 9, and before, Sect. IV. p. 94. 1 Vide Reland. de Relig. Moh. p. 109, and D'Herbel. Bibl. Orient. Art. Beirâm. 2 Hyde, in notis ad Bobov. p. 16; Chardin, Voy. de Perse, tom. ii. p. 450; Ricaut's State of the Ottoman Empire, l. 2. c. 24, &c. 3 Vide Chardin and Ricaut, ubi supra.
principles and methods of reasoning very different from what are used by those who pass among the Mohammedans themselves for the sounder divines or more able philosophers,1 and, therefore, in the partition of the sciences this is generally left out, as unworthy a place among them.2 The learned Maimonides3 has laboured to expose the principles and systems of the scholastic divines, as frequently repugnant to the nature of the world and the order of the creation, and intolerably absurd. This art of handling religious disputes was not known in the infancy of Mohammedism, but was brought in when sects sprang up, and articles of religion began to be called in question, and was at first made use of to defend the truth o those articles against innovators;1 and while it keeps within those bounds is allowed to be a commendable study, being necessary for the defence of the faith: but when it proceeds farther, out of an itch of disputation, it is judged worthy of censure. This is the opinion of al Ghazâli,2 who observes a medium between those who have too high a value for this science, and those who absolutely reject it. Among the latter was al Shâfeï, who declared that, in his judgment, if any man employed his time that way, he deserved to be fixed to a stake, and carried about through all the Arab tribes, with the following proclamation to be made before him: 'This is the reward of him who, leaving the Korân and the Sonna, applied himself to the study of scholastic divinity."3 Al Ghazâli, on the other hand, thinks that as it was introduced by the invasion of heresies, it is necessary to be retained in order to quell them: but then in the person who studies this science he requires three things, diligence, acuteness of judgment, and probity of manners; and is by no means for suffering the same to be publicly explained.4 This science, therefore, among the Mohammedans, is the art of controversy, by which they discuss points of faith concerning the essence and attributes of GOD, and the conditions of all possible things, either in respect to their creation, or final restoration, according to the rules of the religion of Islâm.5 The other science is practical divinity or jurisprudence, and is the knowledge of the decisions of the law which regard practice, gathered from distinct proofs. Al Ghazâli declares that he had much the same opinion of this science as of the former, its original being owing