The Northern Question. Tom Hazeldine. Читать онлайн. Newlib. NEWLIB.NET

Автор: Tom Hazeldine
Издательство: Ingram
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Жанр произведения: Историческая литература
Год издания: 0
isbn: 9781786634078
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from the spatial concentration of the factory system. Gaskell’s protagonist, Margaret Hale, is a young gentlewoman from Hampshire with London tastes cultivated during visits to an aunt in Harley Street. When her clerical father has Doubts, the family must relocate to Milton-Northern, a fictionalised Manchester. Unfortunately, Margaret has ‘almost a detestation for all she had ever heard of the North of England’. The Hales travel to Milton via London, where Margaret’s mother rhapsodises about the fine carriages and vast plate-glass shop windows. On arriving at Milton, a different cityscape confronts them:

      Long, straight, hopeless streets of regularly built houses, all small and of brick. Here and there a great oblong many-windowed factory stood up, like a hen among her chickens, puffing out black ‘unparliamentary’ smoke, and sufficiently accounting for the cloud which Margaret had taken to foretell rain. As they drove through the larger and wider streets, from the station to the hotel, they had to stop constantly; great loaded lorries blocked up the not over-wide thoroughfares. Margaret had now and then been into the city [of London] in her drives with her aunt. But there the heavy lumbering vehicles seemed various in their purposes and intent; here every van, every wagon and truck, bore cotton, either in the raw shape in bags, or the woven shape in bales of calico. People thronged the footpaths, most of them well-dressed as regarded the material, but with a slovenly looseness which struck Margaret as different from the shabby, threadbare smartness of a similar class in London.47

      Manchester versus London: a smoke-ridden monoculture dealing in a single commodity, juxtaposed with the varied commercial life of the capital, its high-end retail outlets and better-turned-out common folk. While it is possible to match up certain functionally equivalent towns on either side of the North–South divide – cathedral cities Canterbury and York; spa towns Bath and Harrogate; the ports of Bristol and Newcastle – there are no southern counterparts to the great industrial cities of the North. As Gaskell puts it, ‘Milton is a much more smoky, dirty town than you will ever meet with in the South.’48

      Margaret’s impression of a difference in social mores in her new home is soon vindicated. The factory hands are brassy; the mill owners bluff. ‘One had need to learn a different language, and measure by a different standard, up here in Milton.’ Disagreements multiply about social ethics and standards of living. Margaret is appalled by the poisonous industrial relations in the town. Her paternalistic instincts are perhaps in keeping with the Hale family’s accustomed milieu of clergymen and country squires; they may also reflect Gaskell’s reading of Thomas Carlyle. But in Milton they run up against the hard-faced Manchester school of self-help. This from cotton magnate John Thornton:

      I value my own independence so highly that I fancy no degradation greater than that of having another man perpetually directing and advising and lecturing me, or even planning too closely in any way about my actions. He might be the wisest of men, or the most powerful – I should equally rebel and resent his interference. I imagine this is a stronger feeling in the North of England than in the South.49

      Margaret defends the southern way against Thornton but changes tack when quizzed by careworn factory hands about a land where, according to her wistful remembrances, ‘food is cheap and wages good, and all the folk, rich and poor, master and man, friendly like’. No, she insists, the South would not suit them:

      You would not bear the dullness of the life; you don’t know what it is; it would eat you away like rust. Those that have lived there all their lives, are used to soaking in the stagnant waters. They labour on, from day to day, in the great solitude of steaming fields – never speaking or lifting up their poor, bent, downcast heads … You could not stir them up into any companionship, which you get in a town as plentiful as the air you breathe, whether it be good or bad.

      This overcooked passage ignores a tradition of agricultural protest, most conspicuously the Swing riots of 1830–31, but serves its purpose of bringing England’s two halves back into essential balance. One of Margaret’s interlocutors obligingly concludes, ‘North an’ South have each getten their own troubles. If work’s sure and steady theer, labour’s paid at starvation prices; while here we’n rucks o’ money coming in one quarter, and ne’er a farthing th’ next.’50

      Identification of the North as a society composed of just two classes, industrialists and factory workers, neither of whom existed in the South, underwent two subsequent, crucial modifications. Next came the moment when, the industrial bourgeoisie having so completely either fused with capital or the ruling class at large or just faded away, the North became identified essentially solely with the working class that remained in situ, forming anyway the great majority of the population. This wasn’t necessarily at all a negative projection. It dates from a century later, between the late 1950s and the arrival of the Beatles in 1962 – the years of Richard Hoggart’s The Uses of Literacy, kitchen-sink dramas such as A Taste of Honey and Room at the Top, and the beginnings of Granada television in Lancashire and Yorkshire, whose success would force BBC output onto northern terrain (The Likely Lads, Z Cars).51 For a brief period, this heady brew took the character of a creative insurgency against the southern citadels of cultural complacency. Arguably it was ultimately incorporated (a first wave of corporate ‘diversity’) into the renewal/déclassement of the London cultural–intellectual establishment, but the work of northern novelists, film directors and television writers, as well as the music scene, asserted a preponderantly positive image of the region’s post-war working class.

      Then came, in a sharp twist, crystallisation of the North’s – unequivocally negative – identity as the loser in the divide between two regions. This happened in the Thatcher years, and ironically succeeded a prior phase in which identification of the North with popular life and working-class culture in a positive register actually peaked.52 The recession of the early 1980s afforded the backdrop for Alan Bleasdale’s Boys from the Blackstuff in high-unemployment Liverpool, with its ‘Gizza job’ refrain, complemented later in the decade by Harry Enfield’s ‘Loadsamoney’ persona on Saturday Live, a satire of the self-made Essex man.

      Moral indignation at this turn of events, of the sort articulated in Mark Herman’s film Brassed Off (1996), set in a south Yorkshire colliery slated for closure, was drowned out by the feel-good musicals of the New Labour boom (The Full Monty and Herman’s follow-up Little Voice), termed by the critic Owen Hatherley the ‘dance, prole, dance’ genre.53 On the small screen, Peter Flannery’s keynote saga Our Friends in the North (also 1996) – contrasting sixties working-class Newcastle and seedy swinging London, united by the endemic corruption of public life – concluded with two of its Geordie protagonists edging towards the New Labour law-and-order establishment, the third flourishing as an entrepreneur, the fourth a down-and-out but urged not to follow the example of John Osborne’s play of 1956, Look Back in Anger. The past is history, just so much water under the Tyne Bridge. A depoliticised, bepuzzled North entered the new millennium a basket case of eccentric small-town traditionals (Count Arthur Strong, League of Gentlemen) and council estate ‘chavs’ (Shameless or, in a more affectionate register, The Royle Family), with some room afforded for bohemian enclaves in the major cities (Queer as Folk).

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      If these are the rough historical outlines of England’s sociocultural regional divide, what is the question such a mapping exercise sets us on the way to answering? Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci’s approach to Italy’s ‘Southern Question’, from which the title of this book takes its cue, offers some pointers. His thinking on the subject went through three iterations. The first appeared on 5 January 1920 in the pages of L’Ordine Nuovo, journal of Socialist Party leftists in Turin shortly to break away to form the Italian Communist Party. Gramsci had enrolled at Turin University following a youth spent on the impoverished island of Sardinia, where separatist feeling ran high. Its school-yard rendering, in his recollection, was ‘Throw the mainlanders into the sea!’54 The move to Turin set him down among these very mainlanders. The Piedmontese capital had lain at the centre of the Italian national project for several decades either side of the Risorgimento of 1861, and had gone on to become the beating heart of the country’s