Museum Media. Группа авторов. Читать онлайн. Newlib. NEWLIB.NET

Автор: Группа авторов
Издательство: John Wiley & Sons Limited
Серия:
Жанр произведения: Изобразительное искусство, фотография
Год издания: 0
isbn: 9781119796640
Скачать книгу
are not actively used at the present moment. Functional memory, on the other hand, concerns those carriers that are of direct relevance for a contemporary memorial culture. Aleida Assmann uses the art museum as an example to illustrate the difference between functional memory and storage memory, but any historically oriented museum would have done really. Generally, only a fraction of the objects in a museum’s storerooms, the museum’s storage memory, are actually exhibited in the galleries, the museum’s functional memory. Carriers of cultural memory that have once been part of storage memory can of course be rediscovered and become functional memory, while carriers of functional memory, after some time in the limelight, can end up in museum storerooms, archives, or libraries.

      For Jan and Aleida Assmann, the transition between communicative memory and cultural memory is rather schematic. Although Jan Assmann accounts for a “floating gap,” this time of transition appears only at the end of the time of communicative memory and the beginning of its transformation into cultural memory. The theory does not account for the coexistence of cultural and communicative memory – or for the use of communicative memory as cultural memory. I argue that exactly the latter is happening right now: the musealization of video testimonies is an endeavor to turn communicative memory itself into cultural memory and to save it from oblivion.

      In 2008 a conference in Jena analyzed “The Birth of the Witness after 1945” (“Die Geburt des Zeitzeugen nach 1945”) (Sabrow and Frei 2012). Ten years earlier, the French historian Annette Wieviorka had already observed that we are living in the “era of the witness” (2006, first published in French in 1998). Wieviorka concentrated on the memory of the Holocaust while the conference took postwar memory in its entirety into consideration. Both, however, argued that a proliferation of personal testimonies in public representations of contemporary history can currently be observed. In German, a new word even appeared in the 1970s and 1980s that denotes people who have witnessed an event of historical importance: Zeitzeuge (Sabrow and Frei 2012, 14–15). The word is now used ubiquitously, but no English equivalent has yet been coined. I therefore propose the concept of “witness to history” as an analytical concept in English. I understand the “witness to history” in a more narrow sense than the German Zeitzeuge, which basically denotes anybody who has witnessed historical events. I use the concept of “witness to history” to denote a person who has witnessed the past and gives testimony to this past in a public sphere. With his or her testimony, the witness to history constructs a certain narrative of the past – a certain history – and at the same time testifies to this narrative. The medium for the transmission of this testimony that I will analyze here is video. The term “video testimony” was first used by the collaborators of the Fortunoff Video Archive for Holocaust Testimonies (hereafter Fortunoff Archive), a project that systematically records on video and collects interviews with Holocaust survivors.1 By using the term “video testimony” instead of “video interview,” I want to underline the fact that, in these videos, witnesses to history do not only report on the past but also testify to this past.

      Only a few survivors had appeared as witnesses in the trials against the National Socialist elite that took place before the trial of Adolf Eichmann, notably during the Nuremberg trials, when documents were used as the main evidence (Wieviorka [1998] 2006, 67; Keilbach 2008, 144; Yablonka 2012, 177). The Eichmann trial now put the survivors center stage. The trial was in fact as much about giving a history lesson to Israel and the world as it was about convicting Eichmann. “We want the nations of the world to know ... and they should be ashamed,” declared Prime Minister David Ben Gurion at the time (quoted in Arendt 1994, 10). For this purpose, 110 witnesses were invited to give testimony. The role of those witnesses was less to attest to Eichmann’s guilt than to embody history. They were supposed to give “a phantom a dimension of reality,” as the attorney general Guideon Hausner declared (Wieviorka [1998] 2006, 70). What the witnesses said was therefore of lesser importance than the fact that they said it. The trial was a media event. Four cameras had been installed in the courtroom and the trial was broadcast on TV and radio. The plan to educate the world by affecting the audience of the trial worked. International TV stations soon started to request only pictures of the witnesses. Caught on camera, the witnesses’ bodies and their voice became part of their testimony – and were often considered of a higher value than their actual words. With the Eichmann trial, the Holocaust was given a voice and a face. It was not just the six million anymore. Ordinary men and women were accepted as witnesses to history and first steps toward their mediatization were undertaken.

      Oral history as a research method has risen in popularity since the 1980s – especially in circles of lay historians (Wierling 2003). Many of the interview projects that are being carried out have World War II and the Holocaust as their object. While the first interviews were recorded on audio files, more and more interviews are being recorded on video – a consequence of the drop in the cost of the technology. What is more, although there had been groundbreaking uses of witnesses to history in TV documentaries before, for instance in the BBC documentary The World at War (1973) and in Claude Lanzmann’s Shoah (1985), witnesses to history have also started to be ever more frequently used in history documentaries since the 1990s. It has now become customary to include short clips from video testimonies on all kinds of events in documentaries (Bösch 2008; Elm 2008; Fischer 2008; Keilbach 2008; Kansteiner 2012). In those documentaries, an aesthetics was developed that was later to be used in museums as well.

      With the popularization of oral history and the frequent use of video testimonies in documentaries, video testimonies have gained in acceptance and popularity both as objects of research and within public history. The musealization of video testimonies has to be seen against this background of a gradual mediatization and popularization of witnesses to history. Video testimonies were introduced into museums only after they had become popular as means to transmit history in other media.

      As the examples of the Fortunoff Archive and the Shoah Foundation show, video testimonies were collected long before they were used as exhibition items. Video testimonies from those collections are now also shown in museums and exhibitions. Clips from the video testimonies of the Shoah Foundation are part of the permanent exhibition of the Museum of Jewish Heritage in New York, for example. As well as drawing on already existing collections, many museums started to collect video testimonies before they decided to present them in their exhibitions. In the Neuengamme Memorial the first major interview project was carried out