A Very English Deceit: The Secret History of the South Sea Bubble and the First Great Financial Scandal. Malcolm Balen. Читать онлайн. Newlib. NEWLIB.NET

Автор: Malcolm Balen
Издательство: HarperCollins
Серия:
Жанр произведения: Историческая литература
Год издания: 0
isbn: 9780007393909
Скачать книгу
St John, Viscount Bolingbroke, to avoid fighting. Worse still, and with official sanction, via a go-between he revealed the battle plan to the French foreign minister. Then he sent the infamous ‘Restraining Orders’ to the Duke of Ormonde: ‘It is the Queen’s positive command to your Grace that you must avoid engaging in any siege, or hazarding a battle, till you have further orders from Her Majesty.’ Ormonde was in an impossible position: he was the leader of an army which had been forced to keep the peace by not fighting at all. He was not even allowed to tell his allies, but was ordered to make excuses for the attack’s delay, until finally – to the amazement of the allies – the French and British announced their truce.

      But the French now advanced on the allied army, capturing town after town, inflicting defeat after defeat on a force which, until the British treachery, had confidently expected to win the war. It was one of the most discreditable episodes in British history. It was peace, but not with honour. In the light of future events it was appropriate that it was on the back of this disgrace that the South Sea Company was launched. Bonfires were lit around the country to celebrate its foundation.

      But political and financial interests now started, unnoticed, to spin apart. They were two halves of a lottery ticket which at first sight appeared to join but whose flourishes failed to match. In September 1711, Harley addressed the South Sea directors but, significantly, failed to admit he had abandoned his peace demands for trading settlements in South America. In January 1712, the South Sea directors, secure in their ignorance, informed Harley, now Earl of Oxford, that they wanted to raise an expeditionary force of four thousand soldiers, forty transport ships, twenty men-of-war, plus store ships and hospital ships. Harley, keeping his secret to himself, began to stay away from the directors’ meetings. By September, twelve hundred tons of merchandise lay rotting in London warehouses, awaiting dispatch to the South Seas.

      In March 1713, eighteen months after he had conceived the South Sea Company, a peace deal was finally signed at Utrecht. Harley had triumphed over the old generation, steeped in war. But in return for the decades of fighting, Britain had won a comparatively trifling prize: a thirty-year slaving contract, and a licence to send a single merchant ship a year on a direct mission to one of the seven ports where the Company was allowed to set up trading stations, but not to establish settlements: Buenos Aires, Caracas, Cartagena, Havana, Panama, Portobello and Vera Cruz. Britain had won no territorial guarantees near the South Seas as a result of the peace treaty. The war was over, though, and Harley stood at last unchallenged on the political stage.

      But the child of Harley’s peace project, the South Sea Company, was in fact becalmed. The next year, seven ships, including the Hope and the Liberty, carried more than 2,500 slaves – voyages financed by the Company raising £200,000 in bonds. But it never made a profit in its cargo of human flesh, not least because the Spanish charged such heavy taxes. Then Queen Anne declared that she had the right to keep a quarter of any profits. But the Company must take its share of the blame for its failure to make money: in 1714 it took woollens to Cartagena, where there was no market for them, rather than to Vera Cruz, where there was, so they were left behind to be eaten by the moths and rats. By default, if not intention, the Company had become nothing more than a financial corporation, a ship to float the national debt. As a trading enterprise, it effectively lay at anchor.

      By 1713, Harley, too, was going nowhere. The political combination of middle-ground Tories he had put together had proved to be a temporary structure without firm foundations. Harley was hemmed in, too, on the other side, by the Tory hardliners in the October Club, whose members drank together in Westminster and proudly took their name from the month in which the strongest beer was brewed. Their constant harassment of the government to try to shake it out of its moderation on occasions ground the Commons’ business to a halt. With the war over, and with credit seemingly restored, Harley could not give his party what it most wanted: clear and decisive Tory leadership. He had not even managed to rid himself of the national debt: by the end of his rule, the government owed another £9 million from the lotteries which Harley had continued to run. Ironically, this sum exactly matched the amount of government debt the South Sea Company had taken over.

      The pressure told. Like many a politician, he had found solace in drink. On 25 July 1714 Anne was finally forced to sack Harley from his post. She told the Lords he ‘neglected all business; that he was seldom to be understood; that when he did explain himself she could not depend upon the truth of what he said; that he never came to her at the time she appointed; that he often came drunk; that lastly, to crown all, he behaved himself toward her with ill manner, indecency and disrespect’. She would not reign long without him: she was dead within the week.

      The Hanoverian era was upon the country and with it a change in political power. George I had a distaste for the Tories matched only by the contempt he held for a foreign kingdom which could never match his beloved homeland. Harley was to be impeached for ‘high treason and other crimes and misdemeanours’. In contrast, his Whig rival, Robert Walpole, who had been sent to the Tower for corruption, had been handed a route back to office. Before he left his prison, he penned a note to his sister Dorothy:

      Dear Dolly,

      I am sure it will be a satisfaction to you to know that this barbarous injustice being only the effect of party malice, does not concern me at all and I heartily despise what I shall one day revenge, my innocence was so evident that I am confident that those who voted me guilty did not believe me so.

      His enemies should have taken note. Robert Walpole would prove to have a long memory.

      CHAPTER IV

      Walpole and the Maypole

      The most fundamental overhaul ever carried out on the rules governing the way members of the royal family run their business lives was announced by Buckingham Palace last night. In an attempt to ensure that family members do not exploit their position for financial gain, the palace said new safeguards would ensure a ‘complete separation’ between official engagements andcommercial projects. ‘It is entirely in tune with today’s world that members of the royal family should be allowed to pursue careers, including in business, if that is what they wish to do,’ a Palace statement saidlast night.Observer, 8 July, 2001

      King George I exhibited his eagerness to take over his new throne by dawdling all the way from Hanover to London. Weeks went by before his pernickety nature was satisfied with the detailed preparations for his forthcoming ordeal. When he finally set out, he made sure he stopped all the way along his route to receive the congratulations which befitted his new status and which put off the point at which he could no longer avoid stepping on to the timber-clad deck of the royal yacht for the sea journey to the grey, cold, inhospitable island which it was now his fate to rule. So disagreeable was this prospect that he clung to Holland as if it was home, meandering through its cities and basking in the receptions he was accorded, so that he did not embark for England until 27 September 1714, nearly two full months after Anne’s death.

      The British weather retaliated, responding to George’s preconceived view of his kingdom as a damp and chilly outpost by exceeding his expectations. Dense fog shrouded London on his arrival, drifting ethereally over the waters of the Thames as his yacht neared port, wrapping itself around Wren’s masterpieces and obscuring the soaring cathedral. George could no more make out the spiritual grandeur of the city’s horizon than his bulging blue eyes could penetrate the narrow, twisting streets to glimpse the temporal realities of his subjects’ lives. So slow was his progress that he was forced to come ashore at night. Then he was rowed to Greenwich in his barge to avoid damage to the royal yacht. As he stepped ashore, to be greeted by ranks of fawning politicians, George could just make out the symmetrical splendour of Wren’s seamen’s hospital. But his kingdom was still a mystery. Even when the clinging fog finally relented, and throughout the rest of his reign, it remained so.

      On dry land, the torchlit reception which greeted George appeared both to lend some atmosphere to the occasion and to give appropriate recognition to his new-found status. The Whigs, loyal throughout their parliamentary difficulties to the House of Hanover, were there in force to reap their reward. George singled out their standard-bearer, the Duke of Marlborough, for attention, while Harley was relegated