After Elizabeth: The Death of Elizabeth and the Coming of King James. Leanda Lisle de

observed, Cecil was like his father ‘of whom it was written that he was like an aged tree that lets none grow which near him planted be’.⁵³ It was already clear that it would be more difficult for Cecil to maintain his political hegemony under James, but he was determined to cut two of his old allies down to size: his former brother-in-law, Lord Cobham and Elizabeth’s Captain of the Guard, Sir Walter Ralegh. One of Elizabeth’s Maids of Honour, Meg Radcliffe, had predicted years before that the anti-Essex alliance would break up after the Earl’s death and so it was proving. Cobham and Ralegh were not of any further use to Cecil; if anything, they were a liability, unpopular with almost everybody. The women of the court detested Lord Cobham, an ill-tempered individual later described by a courtier as ‘but one degree from a fool’ and the men loathed Ralegh whom they considered an arrogant upstart.

      Born the younger son of a mere tenant farmer from an old but impoverished Devonshire family, Ralegh had caught Elizabeth’s attention early in the 1580s. According to one telling story, Ralegh had been called before the Privy Council to explain why he had fallen out with his commanding officer in Ireland, Lord Grey of Wilton. Ralegh was already an experienced soldier, having spent his teenage years fighting for the Protestant cause in France. Wilton, however, was a notorious one. His infamy rested on his having ordered the cold-blooded killing of 600 mainly Italian and Spanish prisoners at Smerwick Fort, just north of Dingle Bay. Even in an era of endemic violence this massacre had shocked: ‘Truly I never heard of such a bloody barbarous action, as the Lord Grey … committed in Ireland upon the Spaniards’, the Jacobean Bishop Godfrey Goodman later recalled, ‘for whereas they had submitted himself to their mercy, he put some four or five hundred of them [in effect the whole number] into a yard, weaponless; and then were soldiers sent in with clubs, bills and swords, and slew everyman of them.’⁵⁴

      This massacre was not, however, the subject of Ralegh’s complaints to the Council. The boy who had seen the horrors of the wars in France did not become the man to blanch in Ireland. Ralegh was one of two officers who had led the companies that carried out the killings. Ralegh was instead at the Council table to present his own ideas about winning the war in Ireland and, as the writer John Aubrey described it, he ‘told his tale so well, and with so good a grace and presence that the Queen took especial notice of him, and presently preferred him’. Elizabeth liked to surround herself with a particular type of man – ‘proper men’ was how Aubrey put it and Ralegh exemplified this ideal, as one contemporary recalled: ‘For touching his shape and lineaments of body, they were framed in so just a proportion and so seemly an order, as there was nothing in them that a man might well wish to have been added or altered. In such gifts of the mind as the world generally esteems, he not only excelled most, but matched even the best men of his time.’⁵⁵

      The Queen had showered Ralegh with gifts and honours: the estates of the young Catholic traitor who had given the Babington plot its name, a prized knighthood and the Bishop of Durham’s crumbling palace in London. Ralegh renovated it and made it the centre of an intellectual circle that discussed science and religion. From here he also planned his great expeditions, including that which founded the first English colony in the New World at Roanoke Island. Elizabeth bestowed the name Virginia on it and all things from the New World became fashionable, from smoking tobacco in silver pipes to eating potatoes, which were considered an aphrodisiac. Ralegh, who was said to ‘love a wench well’, had little need of sexual fillips, but he had disadvantages as a courtier. Being an outsider he had no network of powerful relations to protect his interests. He had befriended Lord Cobham because he was an immensely rich peer with all the social contacts he himself lacked. He might, however, have acquired more friends with better judgement if his sarcasm and ‘damnable pride’ had not earned him so many enemies. It was said ‘He was commonly noted for using of bitter scoffs and reproachful taunts which bred him much dislike’ and ‘was so far from affecting popularity as he seemed to take a pride in being hated of the people’.

      Ralegh took great pleasure in annoying those less quick-witted than himself and even ignored religious sensibilities, teasing the pious by ‘perverting the words and sense of Holy Scripture’. Many assumed he was an atheist, something considered almost synonymous to being evil.⁵⁶ There was considerable relief therefore when Essex replaced Ralegh as Elizabeth’s favourite in 1587, and no little delight when he fell into disgrace in May of 1592 after he married one of Elizabeth’s Maids of Honour behind the Queen’s back, and then lied to her about it. It was Cecil who had eventually smoothed Ralegh’s path back to royal favour. In 1597 he had returned to his former post as Captain of the Guard and thereafter he had proved a ruthless ally of Cecil’s in the factional struggle with Essex. He had even suggested that Cecil murder Essex in January 1600 when there appeared to be a danger that the Queen might accept him back in favour.

      The beginnings of the split between the old allies came the following summer when Ralegh and Cobham turned up uninvited at the peace conference of Boulogne – the event that had convinced Essex that Cecil was seeking to come to an accommodation with the Archdukes of the Netherlands, the Infanta Isabella and her husband Albert. In fact, as Cecil complained to a friend, they had kept him ignorant of their activities.⁵⁷ What they appear to have been involved in were unilateral negotiations concerning a collection of treasure known as the ‘Burgundy jewels’. It had belonged to ancestors of the Archdukes who once ruled the ancient Kingdom of Burgundy, a traditional ally of England against France. The jewels had been given to Elizabeth in pawn by the Dutch rebels in exchange for a loan of £28,000, a fraction of the value of the treasure, and Albert and Isabella were desperate to redeem them.⁵⁸ They hoped that paying generously would help pave the way for better relations with England and perhaps even lead to a revival of the old Anglo-Burgundian alliance – something that might have appealed to Ralegh who recognised, as Essex did, that Spanish power was in decline. The debts of the Spanish crown were escalating and the population dropping, with plague and famine killing hundreds of thousands. Their new king, Isabella’s half-brother Philip III, was a slow, fat, pink-skinned man, incapable of energising his country and the national mood was encapsulated in Cervantes’s Don Quixote, the hero who tilted at windmills. France by contrast was emerging as a great power. Henri IV had restored royal authority after decades of civil war and the peace made with Spain in 1598 allowed French trade to flourish. ‘France,’ Ralegh had warned in 1600, ‘is already one of the greatest kingdoms in Europe, and our farthest friend.’⁵⁹

      But Ralegh’s actions were not all about politics. He was also keen to make money and Cobham, whom Elizabeth had employed to negotiate for peace with the Archduke’s emissary the Count of Aremberg since 1597, was easy to manipulate. In the event, however, the negotiations came to nothing and Ralegh only succeeded in losing Cecil’s trust.

      The first indication of Secretary Cecil’s anger came in 1601. After Cecil’s wife died in 1598, the Raleghs had often taken care of his son, William. The boy adored Ralegh, whom he called his ‘captain’, but he was now taken away from their home for good. Cecil, however, was careful to disguise his ill will towards his erstwhile allies: ‘in show we are great’ he told a friend, ‘and all my revenge shall be to heap coal on their heads’.⁶⁰ Cobham and Ralegh were therefore shocked to find that their names were not amongst those invited to join the Privy Council in the summer, though Ralegh still hoped that he would be made a Councillor when Parliament opened in November 1601.⁶¹ Just before then an opportunity arose for the two friends to make contact with James, as Cecil had done.⁶²

      James’s latest envoy Ludovic Stuart, Duke of Lennox, son of his beloved Esmé, had arrived at Dover. Cobham, as Warden of the Cinque Ports, was there to attend on him. He seized the opportunity to express to Lennox his wish to forward James’s claim, but unfortunately he then boasted about it to Cecil who, after listening to