Even though the biggest labour formation, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) is enmeshed in the NDR/NTR through its alliance with the ruling party, it is increasingly posing critical questions related to corruption, social inequality, growth priorities and, amongst some affiliates, the ecological limits to growth. There are also signs of such shifts in thinking within the South African Communist Party (SACP) (Cronin 2009 and Bond 2009). Outside the ANC-SACP-Cosatu alliance, there are embryonic moves to build an alternative pole of attraction, through the Conference for a Democratic Left (comprising former ANC and SACP leaders, as well as Cosatu members and activists from a broad spectrum of left groups around the country). The CDL explicitly pose the possibility of a ‘grassroots democratic, eco-socialist, feminist political programme’ (CDL 2010:2) as an alternative to the crisis of fossil capitalism. The hope is that, sooner rather than later, Cosatu as the leading component of the labour movement will finally realise that the Alliance is a dead end of false promises, and will break away to help build a counterhegemonic alternative that places eco-socialism firmly on the agenda. Such an alternative envisions a society-centric notion of a democratic developmental state, based on a mobilised and empowered civil society, as opposed to the state-centric versions that are vulnerable to capture by dominant elites.
While not necessarily embracing eco-socialist alternatives, the following chapters nevertheless point to the necessity of South Africa’s moving out of its reliance on the minerals-energy-financial complex in order to create jobs on a sustainable basis – socially as well as ecologically. A genuine, coherent and effectively pursued green new deal, given the vested interests lined up against it, would be a radical departure from the country’s current trajectory. Even if it may not address the root causes of the crisis, it could be a stepping stone towards more fundamental options in the longer-term.
The alternative to a green new deal and to eco-socialism is either the earth’s destruction as we know it, or a new form of eco-fascist ‘enclivity’, where a small gated minority enjoys the benefits of green technology, secure employment and comfortable lifestyles, while the majority is locked out through repressive force, to live in polluted squalor. Can the emerging counter-movement, globally and in South Africa, prevent such an outcome? Only time will tell.
NOTES
1 These remarks were made at a Global Labour University workshop in Johannesburg, October 2009.
2 The regular emergence of new competitors to challenge existing dominant firms (or, in South Africa’s case, the break-up of monopolies such as the Anglo-American Corporation during the post-apartheid era), and hence reduce monopolisation, does not contradict the underlying trend towards monopolisation, as new competitors either become absorbed by, or themselves absorb, the dominant firms – or firms such as South Africa’s banks and cellphone service companies collude to keep prices high (hence the need for state regulation, often ineffective, to enforce competition).
3 Ransom and Baird’s People First Economics (2009), contains alternative perspectives that straddle the New Deal and eco-socialist spectrum.
4 A critique of decoupling is offered by Foster (2002: 22–24), who calls it the ‘myth of dematerialisation’. He quotes The Weight of Nations (World Resources Institute, 2000) that concludes, ‘efficiency gains brought about by technology and new management practices have been offset by [increases in] the scale of economic growth’.
5 E-mail to author, 2 June 2010.
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