33. Berghahn, Kaiserreich, 186; see also Davies, God’s Playground, 130; Broszat, Zweihundert Jahre, 141–42 and 152–53.
34. Broszat, Zweihundert Jahre, 153.
35. Eley, Reshaping, 41–48; Walkenhorst, Nation—Volk—Rasse, 68–69.
36. Alldeutscher Verband, Zwanzig Jahre, 13–22.
37. Ibid., 114–25.
38. Walkenhorst, Nation—Volk—Rasse, 264. Hansemann’s support appears in the January 1900 issue of Die Ostmark, cited in Oldenburg, Der deutsche Ostmarkenverein, 136.
39. The relevant legislation was passed by Prussia’s House of Lords on June 28, 1904, specifying that the construction of residential buildings in the provinces of East Prussia, West Prussia, and Posen, as well as parts of Silesia, Brandenburg, and Pomerania, required permission from the local Regierungspräsident—which, of course, was not granted to Polish applicants. More comprehensively in Hofmann, “Ansiedlungsgesetz.”
40. Tims, Germanizing Prussian Poland, 152–55; Wehler, “Von den ‘Reichsfeinden,’” 188.
41. From page 62 of the August 1907 issue, quoted in Oldenburg, Der deutsche Ostmarkenverein, 137.
42. Wehler, “Von den ‘Reichsfeinden,’” 191. See also Walkenhorst, Nation—Volk—Rasse, 273–74.
43. Hasse, Das Deutsche Reich, 57.
44. Davies, God’s Playground, 135. The events are examined more comprehensively in Kulczycki, School Strikes. The Alldeutscher Verband even called for Polish children to be released from compulsory education, arguing that strike participants should be “permanently excluded from school attendance” (Alldeutscher Verband, Zwanzig Jahre, 299).
45. Laak, Über alles, 86.
46. Boysen, “Geist des Grenzlands,” 109.
47. Broszat, Zweihundert Jahre, 166.
48. Oldenburg, Der deutsche Ostmarkenverein, 140.
49. Quoted in Walkenhorst, Nation—Volk—Rasse, 222.
50. Frymann, Wenn ich der Kaiser.
51. Quoted in Fischer, Griff nach der Weltmacht, 93. According to Robin Prior and Trevor Wilson, Bettmann-Hollweg’s September program was a “terrifying document uncannily foreshadowing the policy of conquest on which Adolf Hitler embarked twenty years later” (Prior and Wilson, “Review Article,” 325). On the topicality of Fischer and the “Hamburg school” of historiography, see Berghahn, “Ostimperium und Weltpolitik.” For an overview of the various scholarly interpretations of the September program, see Mombauer, Origins, 132–33, a book that also provides a concise survey of the general state of research into the causes of World War I.
52. Geiss, Der polnische Grenzstreifen, 72.
53. Ibid., 75.
54. Ibid., 77.
55. Ibid., 83.
56. Hagen, Germans, Poles, and Jews, 286.
57. Wehler, “Von den ‘Reichsfeinden,’” 197.
58. See, for example, Geiss, Der polnische Grenzstreifen, 49; Fischer, Griff nach der Weltmacht, 141; Oldenburg, Der deutsche Ostmarkenverein, 225–27.
59. Geiss, Der polnische Grenzstreifen, 91–96.
60. Quoted in ibid., 147.
61. Wehler, “Von den ‘Reichsfeinden,’” 191; Rutherford, “Race, Space, and the Polish Question,” 51.
62. Rosenthal, German and Pole, 41.
63. Forgus, “German Nationality Policies,” 107.
64. Seckendorf, “Kulturelle Deutschtumspflege,” 116.
65. Sharp, “Genie That Would Not Go Back,” 10–11. Similarly Zimmer, Nationalism in Europe, 60; Hobsbawm, Nationen, 132–33.
66. Weitz, “From the Vienna to the Paris System,” 1314.
67. On the minorities agreements, see, for example, Riga and Kennedy, “Tolerant Majorities”; on Poland, see Fink, “Minorities Question.” For a contemporaneous view, see Woolsey, “Rights of Minorities.”
68. Sharp, “Genie That Would Not Go Back,” 9.
69. Mazower, Dark Continent, 41.
70. Kotowski, Polens Politik, 197.
71. Peukert, Weimarer Republik, 201.
72. Broszat, Zweihundert Jahre, 218.
73. Quoted in Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung, Deutsche und Polen, 28.
74. Quoted in Haar, “Leipziger Stiftung,” 379.
75. Wright, Gustav Stresemann, 269–71, 314–15, and 409–12. On Stresemann’s past in the Pan-German League, see ibid., 52–54.
76. Wagner, “Weimarer Republik,” 41.
77. Schramm, “Kurswechsel,” 31.
78. Hoensch, “Deutschland, Polen und die Großmächte,” 20 and 10.
79. See Puchert, Wirtschaftskrieg.
80. Quoted in Zorn, Nach Ostland, 48.
81. Hoensch, “Deutschland, Polen und die Großmächte,” 23.
82. This rather narrowly defined limitation of the minority treaties did not prevent post-1945 Polish historians from also sharing the interwar Polish government’s view that these treaties offered the great powers an opportunity “to interfere in the internal affairs of new states . . . under the pretext of acting in the interest of minorities residing in those states” (Czapliński, “Protection of Minorities,” 126).
83. Komjathy and Stockwell, German Minorities, x. See also Mazower, Dark Continent, 53–54, and 57; Sharp, “Genie That Would Not Go Back,” 25.
84. Quoted in Broszat, Zweihundert Jahre, 228.
85. Zimmer, Nationalism in Europe, 62.
86. Broszat, Zweihundert Jahre, 228.
87. Jansen and Weckbecker, Volksdeutsche Selbstschutz, 22.
88. Quoted in Broszat, Zweihundert Jahre, 212.
89. Hauser, “Deutsche Minderheit,” 68.
90. Kotowski, Polens Politik, 197.
91. Krekeler, Revisionsanspruch, 50–53. See also Trevisiol, Einbürgerungspraxis, 187–88.
92. Blanke, “German Minority,” 88.
93. Jacobsen, Nationalsozialistische Außenpolitik, 580. See also Hauser, “Deutsche Minderheit,” 67.
94. Fiedor, “Attitude of German Right-Wing Organizations,” 248; Hauser, “Deutsche Minderheit,” 69; Krekeler, Revisionsanspruch, 13.
95. Winkler soon became one of the central figures in ethnopolicy circles and would implement the economic plundering of Poland during the Nazi occupation as head of the Main Trust Office for the East (Haupttreuhandstelle Ost, see Rosenkötter, Treuhandpolitik; Dingell, Zur Tätigkeit).
96. Krekeler, Revisionsanspruch, 16.
97. Ibid., 21.
98. Lumans, Himmler’s Auxiliaries, 93.
99. These six regions were Posen and Pomerelia (ca. 342,000 Germans in 1926), Upper Silesia (ca. 300,000), Bielsko-Biała (ca. 30,000), Central Poland (ca. 350,000), Volhynia (47,000–60,000), and Galicia