42. For example, the Głównej Komisji Badania Zbrodni Niemieckich w Polsce (Central Commission for the Investigation of German Crimes in Poland, founded by Poland’s Ministry of Justice), the Instytut Zachodni (Western Institute) in Poznań, and the Instytut Śląski (Silesian Institute) in Opole (formerly in Katowice). These organizations released several volumes of reprinted source materials, which were often the only way for Western researchers to access the holdings of Polish archives. Of particular importance here are the multivolume Documenta Occupationis Teutonicae from the Western Institute and the Biuletyn of the Central Commission. Similarly important are the journals of the Western Institute, such as its flagship Przegląd Zachodni, whose offshoot was soon published in English, French, and German. See also the journals Studia Historica Slavo-Germanica and Studia Historiae Oeconomicae from Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań, which published articles in various languages and became important conduits for knowledge transfer between Polish and international scholars. For a general overview, see Czubiński, “Polnische historiographie des Zweiten Weltkrieges”; Haubold-Stolle, “Imaginative Nationalisierung.”
43. For example, see Hadler, “Drachen und Drachentöter.”
44. Izdebski, Niemiecka lista narodowa. For example, the Bishop of Katowice, Stanisław Adamski, encouraged his German-speaking clergy and parishioners to enroll in the DVL as a way to protect them against the feared negative consequences and saw this as not a “betrayal” but a “defense” of Polish identity in difficult times, see Adamski, Pogląd na rozwój sprawy narodowościowej, 17. See also the article by Adamski’s personal secretary, Romuald Rak, “Deutsche Volksliste.”
45. Scholarly interest shifted in subsequent years more toward the postwar reintegration of DVL Section 3 and 4 members into Polish society. See, for example, Boda-Krężel, Sprawa volkslisty; Romaniuk, Podzwonne okupacji; Stryjkowski, Położenie osób wpisanych. One exception is Dzieciński, Łódż w cieniu swastyki, whose study of Łódź under German occupation also contains a relatively detailed section on the wartime DVL, including a short description of its selection criteria.
46. Czubiński, “Poland’s Place in Nazi Plans,” 21. This debate was triggered by Pospieszalski, “Hitlerowska polemika,” and Madajczyk, Generalplan Ost. For an attempt to relate the deportations conducted in the Wartheland and especially in the General Government to the evolving General Plan, see Marczewski, Hitlerowska koncepcja, 263–78. Around the same time in West Germany, scholars like Helmut Heiber downplayed the General Plan as the “daydreams” of German bureaucrats drunk on power (Heiber, “Dokumentation: Der Generalplan Ost”). But in East Germany, this discussion resulted in an eight-volume series (begun a year before the Berlin Wall fell and completed in unified Germany) on Nazi occupation policy, in which the authors likewise assigned great significance to the General Plan (Schumann and Nestler, Europa unterm Hakenkreuz). In 1994, Czesław Madajczyk finally put out a compilation of original source materials on the General Plan for the East, uniting all the versions found until that point, along with submitted commentaries by various other bodies (Madajczyk, Vom Generalplan Ost zum Generalsiedlungsplan).
47. On genocide and its implementation in Poland, see Lemkin, Axis Rule, 79–81.
48. For precisely such sentiments, see, for example, Datner, Gumkowski, and Leszczyński, Genocide 1939–1945, 41; Łuczak, Polityka ludnościowa i ekonomiczna, 29; Marczewski, “Nazi Nationality Policy,” 33; Marczewski, “Hitlerowska polityka narodowościowa,” 59; Chrzanowski, “Wypędzenia z Pomorza.” This discussion was continued more recently by two US historians: Lukas, Forgotten Holocaust; Piotrowski, Poland’s Holocaust. Here, see also Dobroszycki, “Polish Historiography.”
49. Marczewski, Hitlerowska koncepcja, 248. Marczewski is atypical in his assertion that the Germans did not invade Poland with a preformulated occupation plan. He does, however, believe that one was completed within the first few months of the occupation (see ibid., 11), an interpretation that does not really allow enough space for the evolutionary changes seen in German occupation policy. Marczewski is also more explicit than others in emphasizing the differences in Nazi population policy that separated the Wartheland from the other two provinces of annexed western Poland; see ibid., 11 and 253.
50. Madajczyk, Okkupationspolitik Nazideutschlands. This is an adapted German translation of his two-volume study Polityka III Rzeszy w okupowanej Polsce.
51. Madajczyk, “Zur Besatzungspolitik der Achsenmächte,” 304.
52. Instead of a “deideologization” of historiography, it would probably be more accurate to describe it as an ideological shift. Especially among East German and Polish historians, one can see that the prehistory of the war, the Soviet Union’s relationship with the Reich, and the even the implementation of antisemitic policies, had now acquired a very different meaning. At the same time, the collapse of “actually existing socialism” put into question all Marxist-inspired historiographies, leading to, for example, a regional revival of totalitarianism theory, which had been rejected for good reason: see Wippermann, Totalitarismustheorien; Roth, Geschichtsrevisionismus.
53. Aly and Heim, Vordenker der Vernichtung. It says much about the atmosphere in West Germany during the 1960s (including the academic one) that the first studies in this area were published abroad: for example, Goguel, Über die Mitwirkung deutscher Wissenschaftler; Goguel, “Bedeutung der Reichsuniversität Posen”; Goguel, “Nord-und ostdeutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft” ; Burleigh, Germany Turns Eastwards. See also Fahlbusch, Wissenschaft im Dienst; Haar, Historiker im Nationalsozialismus; Roth, “Heydrichs Professor”; Mackensen, Reulecke, and Ehmer, Ursprünge, Arten und Folgen.
54. A good example of this are the investigations into the General Plan for the East, particularly into the relationship between its two planning centers, with one run by Dr. Hans Ehlich at the Reich Security Main Office and the other run by Prof. Konrad Meyer at the RKFDV Staff Main Office, as well as their relationship with the criminal practices of the SS units, especially their murder sprees in the Soviet Union. Putting it simply, the unresolved question is: Who led the way in these massacres, the planning groups in Berlin or the murderers on the ground? Did German units follow a plan, be it finished or not, or was it the dynamics of violence on the ground that forced the agenda for Berlin’s geopolitical planners, who in many ways were always one step behind the realities and constantly having to adjust their plans accordingly? On this, see Roth, “Generalplan Ost—Gesamtplan Ost.” On skepticism about the influence of scholarly policy advisers, see also Leniger, Nationalsozialistische Volkstumsarbeit, 13.
55. Aly, Final Solution. Here, Aly was able to build on earlier scholarship, because this link was already described in Broszat’s Nationalsozialistische Polenpolitik and even more exhaustively in Christopher Browning’s research. Nonetheless, Aly’s analysis is a new one, in that Broszat primarily highlights the link between deportation and resettlement policies without discussing the effects it had on the course of anti-Jewish policy; meanwhile, although Browning does underline the radicalizing effects that the former’s failure had on the decision to commit mass murder, he does not explicitly point out that the problems of resettling ethnic Germans may have accelerated or otherwise influenced this process; see Browning, “Nazi Resettlement Policy.”
56. See also the critical counterpoint in Wildt, Generation des Unbedingten, 462.
57. Lumans, Himmler’s Auxiliaries; Wildt, Generation des Unbedingten.
58. Heinemann, Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut, 42 and 10. Also worth mentioning here is Longerich’s biography Heinrich Himmler, which devotes much space to population policy.
59. Łuczak, Pod niemieckim jarzmem, 60.
60. Steinbacher, Musterstadt Auschwitz, 94; see also 118–19.
61. See, for example, Esch, Gesunde Verhältnisse; Kaczmarek, “Zwischen Altreich und Besatzungsgebiet.” See also the biographies written about the Gauleiters (who were simultaneously the Reichsstatthalters)