This book would not have existed without the willingness of so many people to talk to me about their personal histories with the museums in Belgium and Congo. A full list is included in the bibliography, but I particularly want to acknowledge the generosity and hospitality of Shaje’a A. Tshiluila, Eugénie Nzembele Safiri, and the late Célestin Badi-Banga ne Mwine.
My family and friends have encouraged and sustained me through a long and sometimes difficult process. Marilyn Sinkewicz, Naomi Greyser, and Susanne Sreedhar were an incredible support during the writing process. Although my career choices have taken me far away from them, my family has always been supportive and encouraged me to keep going. My sister Liesje Van Beurden, her wife Els De Pessemier, and my friends in Belgium, the United States, and Congo have been patient and supportive. My love and gratitude go out to Brian, who has read every single word I wrote for this book, and who has cooked far more than his fair share of meals in the past years. I simply could not have done this without him. Most of all, I thank my parents for their unwavering support for me, always. This book is dedicated to them.
Abbreviations
| AA BuZa | Afrikaans Archief Ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken (African Archive, Belgian Ministry of Foreign Affairs) |
| AAI | Amis de l’Art Indigène (Friends of Indigenous Art) |
| AAI | African American Institute |
| ABA | Académie des Beaux Arts (Academy of Fine Arts) |
| AFA | American Federation of Arts |
| AIA | Association Internationale Africaine (International African Association) |
| AICA | Association Internationale des Critiques d’Art (International Art Critics Association) |
| ANC | Archives Nationales de la République Democratique du Congo (National Archives of the Democratic Republic of Congo) |
| ASAI | Ateliers Sociaux d’Art Indigène (Community Workshops for Indigenous Art) |
| COPAMI | Commission pour la Protection des Arts et Métiers Indigènes au Congo Belge (Commission for the Protection of Indigenous Arts and Crafts) |
| FIKIN | Foire Internationale de Kinshasa (International Fair at Kinshasa) |
| IMNZ/C | Institut des Musées Nationaux du Zaïre/du Congo (Institute of National Museums in Zaire/Congo) |
| IRSAC | Institut pour la Recherche Scientifique en Afrique Centrale (Institute for Scientific Research in Central Africa) |
| MNL | Musée National de Lubumbashi (National Museum of Lubumbashi) |
| MPR | Mouvement Populaire de la Révolution (People’s Revolutionary Movement) |
| MVI | Musée de la Vie Indigène (Museum of Indigenous Life) |
| NMAA | National Museum of African Art |
| RMCA | Royal Museum for Central Africa |
| SIA | Smithsonian Institution Archives |
A Note on Names and Translations
The spelling of the names of Congolese cultures varies. Local cultures such as the Luba and Kuba, for example, are sometimes referred to as BaLuba and BaKuba, particularly in older scholarship. The prefix “Ba” in these instances indicates the plural, but I have chosen to drop it, following the trend in more recent scholarship.
Whenever they are available, I use English names (so Leopoldville instead of Léopoldville).
All translations are mine, unless otherwise noted.
Many regions and cities were renamed under Mobutu. Some of the most important colonial and postcolonial names:
| Coquilhatville | Mbandaka |
| Costermansville | Bukavu |
| Elisabethville | Lubumbashi |
| Katanga | Shaba |
| Leopoldville | Kinshasa |
| Luluabourg | Kananga |
| Mont Stanley | Mont Ngaliema |
| Paulis | Isiro |
| Stanley Pool | Pool Malembo |
| Stanleyville | Kisangani |
INTRODUCTION
Congolese History and the Politics of Culture
IN OCTOBER of 1973, donning his trademark leopard-skin hat, Zairian leader Mobutu Sese Seko appeared before the UN in New York and in a booming voice deplored the “systematic pillage” of his country’s valuable cultural heritage by Western powers. Just as he had led a campaign to nationalize the recently independent country’s mineral resources, Mobutu imagined Zaire’s cultural heritage as a resource to be protected and “nationalized” in its own right. His demand for the restitution of “authentic” and valuable museum objects laid bare not only the cultural, but also the economic and political value of art objects to the Mobutu regime.
How did these specific objects and collections become defined as cultural and national heritage for Zaire? The answers to these questions do not lie only in changing ideas about the nature and value of African art. We may also find them in the construction of cultural authenticity and heritage as well as in the institutional and organizational politics of the cultural economies of both colonial and postcolonial Congo.
Authentically African traces a transnational process of cultural reinvention from the colonial into the postcolonial era and demonstrates its role in the construction first of Congo’s and later of Zaire’s cultural and political economies.1 In pursuing this project I have identified a common set of strategies that legitimate political power through the stewardship of cultural heritage. Collectively I will refer to these as cultural guardianship. I argue that cultural guardianship, particularly in the late colonial era, became a justification for Belgium’s colonial presence in Congo, a development that had an impact on ideas about political legitimacy far beyond the colonial era. We may trace the development of this theory of cultural guardianship through the definition, representation, collection, and possession of Congolese art and ethnographic material. Visible also in debates over cultural restitution and the creation of a postcolonial museum institute in Zaire, it complicates our understanding of the extensive process of decolonization. More broadly, the book analyzes the reinvention of traditional cultures as national heritage, as well as world heritage, in order to explore the cultural politics of the Mobutu regime and its claim on cultural guardianship in the construction of hegemony—nationally, but also internationally.
As Benedict Anderson has theorized, the creation of national identities required both forgetting and remembering; and in the creation of collections, the direction of research agendas, and the construction of displays, museums do quite a lot of both.2 As this book shows, museums were a primary battleground for different and competing epistemic discourses regarding authenticity, and they were active participants in the decolonization process and the formation of the postcolonial nation of Zaire. Their collections were sites of debate over the nature of the colonial past and the definition of the postcolonial future as well as important pawns in the struggle over cultural guardianship. In this book, I use museums, the people connected to them, the politics that surround them, and the messages they shaped, as a “prism upon the field of cultural production,” as well as on the broader field of cultural politics.3 They are simultaneously symbolic representations of the state and microcosms that are at times the location of contradiction and contestation. They are an avenue through which we can explore the construction of ideas about cultural authenticity, as well as the political life of these ideas. Two museums in particular will be central to the history in this book. The first is the former Museum of the