Beyond those who support the dissidents, moreover, there is a far larger number of persons who sympathise. Just who and how many is impossible to say. I estimate that as many as a fourth of the people in the major cities may listen to foreign radio broadcasts and are aware of the reaction to dissident arrests in the West. But many take it for granted that they have less freedom in the Soviet Union, and while they may sympathise, regard the dissidents’ efforts as useless.
However, the dissident movement in the Soviet Union, continues to maintain itself. As older dissidents are imprisoned or emigrate, new ones appear. “Many people want to live decently,” said Dr. Turchin, “But most have no courage to do so. For some people, however, the desire to live decently is stronger than the fear of possible consequences. The dissidents exist as a subculture within the dominant culture. They think otherwise, act otherwise, do otherwise and so defy totalitarianism. You will always find some persons to represent the subculture.”
ERZEUGT DURCH JUTOH - BITTE REGISTRIEREN SIE SICH, UM DIESE ZEILE ZU ENTFERNEN
The Financial Times, Tuesday, April 5, 1977
Nationalism in Lithuania
The Ghost in the Machine
Something odd went on one night last month in Vilnius, capital of Soviet Lithuania. Along Lenin Prospekt, the main avenue, clusters of militiamen were in. evidence at regular intervals, and in the darkened side streets police were stopping passers-by and asking for identification.
There were two explanations for what was taking place. The police said they were investigating the fatal shooting of a militiaman during the robbery of an office of the state insurance company. Lithuanian nationalists said that Vilnius is always ringed with police on February 16, because it is the anniversary of Lithuania gaining independence after the First World War.
Mr. Kestutis Jokubynas, an archivist who spent 17 years in Soviet prison camps for nationalist activities, was picked up that evening in front of one of the main hotels in Vilnius. He spent his years in the camps learning foreign languages and has applied to emigrate to Canada. When the police asked him about the shooting, he told them. “I’m not going to play a part in your comedy.”
Whatever the reason for the display of force that night, there is no doubt that nationalism continues to be a factor in Lithuanian life even today, 37 years after the country was incorporated into the Soviet Union to be transformed from a somewhat backward, independent nation with a largely agrarian economy into a highly industrial and primarily urban Soviet republic.
The incorporation into the Soviet Union in 1940 was accompanied by mass deportations. Lithuania was subsequently occupied by the Nazis during the Second World War and then, for eight years after the war, new deportations took place together with forced collectivisation and bitter partisan warfare against Soviet rule.
Once the partisans were suppressed and the futility of further resistance was generally accepted, Lithuania embarked on a period of remarkable economic growth under a programme of rapid industrialisation. During 1940–69, taking the period as a whole, Lithuania actually led all Soviet republics with the growth rate of its gross industrial product. Soviet figures show that Lithuanian industrial output has risen 49 times over since 1940, whereas industrial output in the Soviet Union as a whole between 1940 and 1972 increased by 13.6 times.
The creation of a modern industrial base, which has made Lithuania a major producer of machine tools, automation equipment, electronic computers, radio and TV sets, refrigerators, and fishing trawlers, has been accompanied by urbanisation.
Only 22.9 per cent of the population of Lithuania lived in cities in 1939, but by 1975 the urban population had risen to 57 per cent, including about 450,000 persons in Vilnius. The post-war collectivisation of agriculture, which provoked armed resistance from Lithuanian peasants, was 96 per cent accomplished by mid-1952. Today the emphasis is on inducing peasants to leave their surviving individual homesteads for prefabricated “agro-towns” and creating automated complexes for highly specialised agricultural production, freeing workers to go into industry which is short of manpower, and changing the character of the republic still further.
Against this background, Lithuanian nationalism, which is thought to be among the most fervent of local nationalisms in the Soviet Union, only rarely takes the form of open mass resistance. Although there was a riot in Kaunas in 1972 following the self-immolation of a young Roman Catholic, it was by far the worst nationalist disturbance in the Soviet Union during the last 20 years. Resistance now manifests itself in frequent acts of individual protest, rare in other parts of the Soviet Union; the circulation of Lithuanian language underground journals; and the existence of various ill-defined nationalist groups which have a marked appeal, particularly for the young.
The atmosphere in Vilnius is one of surface calm brought about at least partially by economic development. The fate of the formerly independent country is aptly reflected in the appearance of the town, which is circled by rows of modern apartment blocks built with materials and processes standard throughout the Soviet Union, but has at its heart the old city with darkened passageways and inner courtyards in the shadow of old, ornate Catholic churches.
Lithuania enjoys a material standard of living which is higher than that of the Soviet Union as a whole. It trails only Estonia and Latvia among Soviet republics in terms of produced income per capita.
Nationalist incidents are seldom mentioned in the Press, but the following are reliably reported to have taken place in recent months in the city of Vilnius: a Lithuanian Soviet Republic flag was torn down from the dormitory of Vilnius state university; students removed a portrait of Lenin from the central post office; signs saying “Free Lithuania—Russians get out,” appeared on public buildings; and the old Lithuanian national flag was raised for a brief moment above the Ministry of Internal Affairs which has charge of the police.
Such incidents are not likely to interfere with the Lithuanian Republic’s economic growth which will be aided during the 1976–80 five-year plan period by the construction of an atomic power station and the opening of the first stage of the massive Mazeikiai oil refinery which is to go into service in 1978. But overt acts of protest are not typical in the Soviet Union and stand, as visible manifestations of a nationalist feeling that material progress has not been able to eliminate.
There are believed to be many small groups of people scattered throughout the Republic who meet for religious or national purposes but have no legal means of communicating with each other. On December 21 four men in Kaunas and Ionova were arrested. Typewriters and hundreds of nationalist leaflets were confiscated. The men were connected with a group called the Union of Organisations of Independent Peoples, but despite signs that they had made extensive organisational preparations, their group was completely unknown to nationalists in Vilnius.
The most tangible manifestations of enduring Lithuanian nationalism are the underground Lithuanian language journals which appear regularly and discuss religious issues as well as aspects of Lithuanian history during the period when the country was independent. There are four such journals today, the oldest and most famous being the Chronicle of the Lithuanian Catholic Church which, despite attempts to repress it, has been appearing in typescript since the spring of 1972. Two arrests were made in Vilnius recently in connection with the chronicle. No underground journals appear in Latvia or Estonia, the two other Baltic republics absorbed by the Soviet Union.
Lithuania has recovered demographically as well as economically, from the destruction of the Second World War and the mass deportations of 1940–41 and 1946–50. In 1975, however, the population of 3.3m was only slightly higher than the population had been in 1939. About 80 per cent, of the population are Lithuanians (although Lithuanians comprise only 43 per cent, of the population of Vilnius), and the national balance is relatively stable. Lithuanians have dominated the leadership of the Lithuanian Communist Party