After the war, all authors of the memoirs unanimously state that – at the end of July 1914 – no one seriously anticipated the outbreak of a war, not to mention the possibility of a worldwide conflict. One may find a lot of evidence that the abrupt turn of events was a great surprise to everyone in Germany. Some officers were on leave. The field training exercises became a routine of little intensity due to the heat wave that occurred in summer of 1914. It was only after the Kingdom of Serbia rejected Austrian government’s ultimatum that many realized the threat of war. A breakthrough moment for the officers and soldiers on active duty was July 31, when they received an order from the headquarters, signed by Wilhelm II, “The State of Imminent Threat of War” (Zustand der drohenden Kriegsgefahr); according to the plan, it meant the beginning of mobilization. Already this signal meant that the regiments to participate in frontier actions had to prepare themselves for immediate combat.
In the evening of July 31, Wilhelm II stood on the balcony of the Berlin Palace and addressed these famous words to France and Russia: “We will show the enemy, what it means to irritate Germany!” (Dem Gegner werden wir zeigen, was es heißt, Deutschland zu reizen!).
Full mobilization started on the very next day, in the afternoon of August 1. Although Wilhelm II kept reassuring the public about his peaceful intentions, he openly admitted that –in his opinion – attempts to annihilate the German Reich recently abound. All German newspapers published his throne speech. In the Polish western territories, much of the public attention also focused on Wilhelm II’s speech to Berliners gathered in front of the royal palace, in which he reassured them about the unity of all Germans during the imminent war: “Gentlemen, you read what I told my nation from the palace’s balcony. [Since now] I know only Germans! As a proof of my determination to get through misery and death together, regardless the differences between parties, estates, and confessions, I order party executives to approach me and solemnly pledge it.”114 On August 2, Germany declared war on Russia and on France. On August 5, Wilhelm II reauthorized the Iron Cross, a military decoration only ←47 | 48→granted in wartime, since the beginning of the nineteenth century.115 The Great War began.
The enthusiasm in the first days of the war was particularly big in the cities, also in Greater Poland and Upper Silesia. However, it only occurred in some social circles. Modern historians quite unanimously reject the idea of a common euphoria after the declaration of war on Russia and France. In fact, as much as it was popular among the bourgeoisie and the intelligentsia, working-class families did not share the sentiment. A similar situation occurred in borderland territories inhabited by national minorities. The conviction about general enthusiasm resulted from the festive mood on the streets and on squares of large German cities, sustained by daily press and state officials.116 The inhabitants of Upper Silesia, Greater Poland, Masuria, and Pomerania also cautiously looked at the Germans who indulged in this collective madness, particularly at mass volunteers. The majority of Poles soberly assessed the situation: “The biggest fool is the one who voluntarily joins the army, oh he later regrets it, but it is too late.”117
Later reluctance toward paramilitary training imposed on young men further confirms the lack of enthusiasm of the whole society. So-called Youth Brigades (Jugendwehr) were to prepare boys under seventeen years old to wartime conditions. It was a structure formed in the German Reich as early as in 1896 and tasked with the military training of the youth before they began active duty. Since 1911, the Youth Brigades belonged to the nationwide German Youth Association (Jungdeutschland-Bund). The organization closely cooperated with combatant soldiers associations in the recruitment of members. During the war, the Youth Brigades were required to cooperate with schools in the introduction of paramilitary training to all the youth in units specifically formed for this purpose. Retired soldiers, non-commissioned officers, and officers participated in this training. After the outbreak of the war, the ministers of war, education, and internal affairs ordered the introduction of obligatory military training for young men over sixteen years old, beginning with the school year of 1914/1915.118 In Upper Silesia, the poor turnout at these trainings was a constant object of ←48 | 49→complaints.119 The reluctance toward hard training – focused on military drill and gymnastics – was particularly noticeable in the summer, when there was more work at households because all working-age men were conscripted. The participation of local notables in training helped very little to promote mass enthusiasm to fight for the Kaiser.
Nevertheless, despite the lack of enthusiasm toward the war, loyalty prevailed, in which the pledge of allegiance to the German homeland and emperor played a substantial role. However, today such an assertion may seem unexpected, especially because it often conflicted with political beliefs of Kaiser’s subjects. One of the thousands of conscripts wrote: “The mind boils of outrage when seeing the violation of the Polish soul. Let the Germans fight for their Vaterland. Why are we supposed to fight for them? For a matter that is alien to us. But there is no escape. [We swore] the oath!”120 Such a spirit appears in the memoirs of the soldiers from Greater Poland,121 Pomerania, Masuria, but also Upper Silesia.122 The Prussian authorities did not doubt Polish loyalty and even emphasized the fact that the Poles act like most of German citizens. The position of Polish national leaders further reinforced this conviction, even the National Democrats in Greater Poland emphasized in 1914 the necessity of Polish loyalty toward the German authorities, despite the internment of Polish activists and the ban on publishing or strict censorship of the Polish press.123 Such appeals appeared in Pomeranian Gazeta Toruńska (Toruń Daily: “Let us not delude ourselves! Let us keep calm and caution, we must fulfill our duty, we cannot help it”)124 and in Upper Silesian Katolik (The Catholic: “The one who cares for his head must avoid any hassle with the authorities and behave as quietly as he can, he must care both for his and another’s discipline, for order”).125
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On August 1, the news about the mobilization initially spread by word of mouth, but the announcements started to appear already in the afternoon, also the one about Landsturm mobilization. A peculiar placard regarding this mobilization preserved to this day was prepared by the German military in bizarre Polish to exclusively address the Polish-speaking inhabitants of the eastern provinces of Upper Silesia. The aim was probably to make it understandable for the older generation, who never partook in the advantages of the universal mandatory German education. With its peculiar language in the Upper Silesian dialect with many Germanisms, this document is today hardly understandable even for Poles. The legible translation reads:
Immediately today, after the publication of this announcement, [one must] report without waiting for an order. [This refers to] all non-commissioned officers and men with military training moved to Landsturm – including those moved from guard units, i.e. all non-commissioned officers and men moved to Landwehr II or Navy Landwehr (Seelandwehr) – who are below forty-five years old, of the following types of arms and units: infantry, naval infantry, marksmen, cavalry, railway troops, stretcher carriers, all naval non-commissioned officers, feldshers, sanitary non-commissioned officers who served at least for half a year, military treasurers, gunsmiths, gunsmith assistants, all sailors trained in gunfight, craftsmen, and tailors. Moreover, those who do not belong to Landsturm and who voluntarily want to join…. Those from the Rybnik province [should report] to Rybnik.126
Masses of worshippers appeared