Bikaas is the Nepali word meaning ‘development’. Bikaas has been a major theme for Nepal ever since it opened its doors to the world in the 1950s. At that time Nepal quickly adopted an attitude toward economic development that was intended to raise it out of its poverty and bring it into the world economy. Despite the attempts, Nepal remains one of the least developed countries (LDC) in the world.
Economic development has taken various forms in Nepal in the last half-century, which have received reproach from multiple critics. Several authors stress the negative effects of economic development models upon Nepali culture (Pandy 1992; Pigg 1993; Pigg 1995b; Shrestha 1993; Zurick 1993) and upon the environment (Bell 1994; Ecologist 1993; Economist 1993; Hausler 1993; Nicholson-Lord 1994; Sill 1991; Singh 1993). To be fair, however, Schloss (1983:1) points out that in evaluating the economic and political consequences of the development paradigms pursued by Nepal over the last fifty years, we must realize that although the results of economic development methods followed throughout the eight five-year plans have had only a minimal impact upon most Nepalis, “it is also evident that no [emphasis his] development strategy would have done any better without the development of these basic infrastructure [those pursued under the first five plans] programs. Kathmandu made the right choice in the 1950s.”
Schloss also tells us “it is only now that alternative options on growth models are feasible” (1983:1). Recently international planners have begun to examine the problems created by the development strategies pursued and have begun to look at sustainable solutions to the issues raised (Gevers 1991; Zimmerer 1991; Zurick 1992). The government of Nepal has been slow to respond to these concerns but some headway is now beginning to be forged. It is clear, however, that Nepal still has a long way to go. As discussed further in chapter three, many aspects of Nepal’s economy have created various push/pull factors that have, in turn, created greater exposure to the wider world. Unfortunately, this has also created a greater exposure to HIV and AIDS.
1.5 Geography
Although much of Nepal’s underdevelopment is owed to history, much also is owed to her topography. The area of Nepal is 147,181 square kilometers (56,136 square miles), approximately the size of Tennessee (Guido-O’Grady 1995). In just over one hundred miles (as the crow flies), Nepal’s altitude climbs from about two hundred meters (685 feet) in the south to over 8,800 meters (29,035 feet) on the peak of Mt. Everest in the north (Burbank 1992:8). According to recent figures (CIA 2013), only sixteen percent of Nepal’s land is arable. Lohani (1984) divides Nepal into three topographical and ecological zones: (1) the mountains (the northern third of the country), which are sparsely populated (10% of Nepal’s population) and difficult to farm (5% of the total cultivated land), (2) the mid-hills (the middle area of the country), which exhibit a higher population density (53% of Nepal’s population live here) and low agricultural yields on terraced farms, and (3) the Terai (the lower third, bordering India), where population density is lower (37% of Nepal’s population) and agricultural productivity higher (65% of cultivated land).14 As can be noted from these figures, cultivation in the mid-hills is less productive per capita than in the Terai, where the land is more suitable for farming and the population less dense. One publication suggests that “the difficult topography of the country has posed a serious problem in transporting and marketing agricultural products” (EIU 1996:78). Steep terrain also exacerbates deforestation and erosion.
Perhaps more significant than topography is Nepal’s status as a landlocked country. According to Blaikie, Cameron, and Seddon (1979:12), sixteen of the twenty-five least developed countries in the world are landlocked. There seems to be a link between a nation’s being landlocked and its status as a least developed country. According to several authors (Blaikie et al. 1979; Karan and Ishii 1994; UN 1993), Nepal’s landlocked situation has also added significantly to its economic woes. Karan and Ishii (1994) make the following observation:
As a direct result of its disadvantageous geographical situation [landlocked], Nepal has experienced difficulties and restrictions in its trade and development. Its foreign trade is largely dependent on transit facilities provided by India. The ever-increasing costs of transit and transportation have led to higher-priced imports and exports. The consequences of the landlocked situation is difficult to quantify, but Nepal’s lack of access to the sea is compounded by its remoteness and its isolation from world markets, which are among the reasons for its relative poverty. Overall growth, export expansion, and the utilization of foreign capital resources generate demands for international transport services. Greater difficulties and the cost of these services constitute an extra hurdle for Nepal’s development. (Karan and Ishii 1994:5–6)
Many aspects of Nepal’s geography make growing enough to feed one’s family and earning a sufficient living difficult. Insufficient food supply, in turn, pushes people out of the villages to seek supplemental employment in larger cities or other countries where they are more vulnerable to lifestyles that subject them to HIV and AIDS.
1.6 Education
Although primary education is compulsory and has been provided free since 1975, only 52 percent of primary school age children were enrolled by 1984 (Savada 1991:94). This figure represented 70 percent of the primary school age boys and only 30 percent of the primary school age girls at that time. At the secondary level, only 18 percent of school age children were enrolled by 1984. Recent reporting of the UNDP’s Millennial Development Goal Indicators regarding school enrollment demonstrates a massive improvement on these figures to a current net enrollment rate of 94 percent in primary education and a literacy rate of 86 percent among persons of ages fifteen to twenty-four (UNDP 2013). Despite the dramatic improvement from the 1970s, overall literacy rates countrywide remain lagging. Current statistics (CIA 2013) estimate the literacy rate for the total population to be 60 percent. And low literacy levels countrywide have led to a problem for educators (since many prevention strategies rely on literacy). Gender, geography, and caste also continue to play a part in who gets educated in Nepal. Countrywide, the literacy rate is 48 percent for females while it is 73 percent for males, indicating a continuing gender divide (CIA 2013). Beyond gender, urban literacy rates are 77 percent while rural rates are 57 percent (Bureau of Statistics 2011). And Dahal (2008) has demonstrated a remaining significant differentiation in literacy rates according to caste affiliation as well. Savada considers social class (mainly defined in Nepal by caste) historically as a limiting factor to education in Nepal and writes:
Despite general accessibility, education still nonetheless primarily served children of landlords, businessmen, government leaders, or other elite members of the society, for they were the only ones who could easily afford to continue beyond primary school…Higher caste families could afford to send their children overseas to obtain necessary degrees… Higher caste families also had the necessary connections to receive government scholarships to study abroad. (Savada 1991:97–98)
According to the People’s Awareness Campaign Nepal, there are now over forty-nine thousand schools (including higher secondary), 415 colleges, five universities, and two academies of higher studies served by over 222,000 teachers across the country (PACN 2011). During the 1980s it was reported, however, that only 60 percent of the primary teachers and only 35 percent of the secondary teachers have had formal training (Savada 1991). These are the most current figures available.
The curriculum in Nepal’s schools has been greatly influenced by models used in the United States. A national curriculum was developed with the assistance of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). Savada (1991:96) states:
The goal of primary education was to teach reading, writing and arithmetic, and to instill discipline and hygiene. Lower secondary education emphasized character formation, a positive attitude toward manual labor, and perseverance. Higher secondary education stressed manpower requirements and preparation for higher education. National development goals were stressed through the curriculum.
Regarding the promotion of “a positive attitude toward manual labor” as an early goal of the primary education model as noted by Savada above, Bista (1991) identifies a much stronger resident Nepali cultural feature that works to counter this value toward manual labor among the educated. He writes,
Scholarship in