Father–child interaction is associated with social competence, independence, and cognitive development in children (Sethna et al., 2016). Rough-and-tumble play contributes to advances in emotional and behavioral regulation in children (Flanders, Leo, Paquette, Pihl, & Séguin, 2009). Fathers provide opportunities for babies to practice arousal management by providing high-intensity stimulation and excitement, like tickling, chasing, and laughing. Fathers who are sensitive, supportive, and appropriately challenging during play promote secure bonds with their children (Grossmann et al., 2002; Lickenbrock & Braungart-Rieker, 2015). When fathers are involved in the caregiving of their infants, their children are more likely to enjoy a warm relationship with their father as they grow older, carry out responsibilities, follow parents’ directions, and be well adjusted. Similar to findings with mothers, sensitive parenting on the part of fathers predicts secure attachments with their children through age 3 (Brown, Mangelsdorf, & Neff, 2012; Lucassen et al., 2011). The positive social, emotional, and cognitive effects of father–child interaction continue from infancy into childhood and adolescence (Sarkadi, Kristiansson, Oberklaid, & Bremberg, 2008).
What Do You Think?
1 What are some of the challenges of studying father–child relationships? How might researchers address these challenges?
2 Why do you think fathers are more likely to be “play mates” than mothers?●
Toddlers walk on their own, express their own ideas and needs, and become more independent. Their developmental task is to learn to do things for themselves and feel confident in their ability to maneuver in their environment. According to Erikson (1950), if parents encourage the toddler’s initiative and allow him to explore, experiment, make mistakes, and test limits, the toddler will develop autonomy, self-reliance, self-control, and confidence. If parents are overprotective or disapprove of the child’s struggle for independence, the child may begin to doubt his abilities to do things by himself, may feel ashamed of his desire for autonomy, may passively observe, and may not develop a sense of independence and self-reliance.
Both trust and autonomy develop out of warm and sensitive parenting and developmentally appropriate expectations for exploration and behavioral control throughout infancy and toddlerhood. Without a secure sense of trust in caregivers, toddlers will struggle to establish and maintain close relationships with others and will find it challenging to develop autonomy. Adjustment difficulties are more likely when children do not develop a sense of individuality and confidence in their own abilities to meet new challenges. Much of the research on parenting examines mothers, but infants’ interaction relationships with fathers also predict autonomy and social competence. This is true across cultures and the accompanying feature, Cultural Influences on Development, looks at father–infant interactions.
Thinking in Context 6.1
1 How do contextual factors, such as those that accompany being raised in an inner city, suburban neighborhood, rural environment, or nomadic society, influence how infants approach the psychosocial tasks of infancy—developing a sense of trust and autonomy? Would you expect infants in each of these contexts to demonstrate trust and autonomy in similar ways? Why or why not?
2 What kinds of behaviors on the part of parents promote a sense of trust in infants? Do trust-promoting activities, such as attentiveness and cuddling, also foster a sense of autonomy in infants? Why or why not?
Emotional Development in Infancy and Toddlerhood
What emotions do infants feel? Infants cannot describe their experiences and feelings, which makes studying infants’ emotional development quite challenging. How do you determine what another person is feeling? Most people show their emotions on their faces, such as by smiling or frowning. If we use facial expressions as a guide to what emotions infants might feel, the first and most reliable emotion that newborns show is distress. They cry, wail, and flail their arms and bodies, alerting caregivers to their need for attention. Newborns also show interest with wide-eyed gazes when something catches their attention, and they smile when they are happy.
Even young infants exhibit a wide range of emotions. Observation of newborn facial expressions suggests that newborns experience interest, distress, disgust, and happiness or contentment. Between 2 and 7 months of age, they begin to display other emotions, such as anger, sadness, surprise, and fear.
iStock/jjustas
Infants’ Emotional Experience
Are we born with the ability to feel emotions? No one knows for sure, but observation of newborn facial expressions suggests that newborns experience interest, distress, disgust, and happiness or contentment (Izard, Woodburn, & Finlon, 2010). Of course, we do not know whether internal emotional states accompany these facial expressions, but infants’ facial expressions are remarkably similar to those of adults (Sullivan & Lewis, 2003).
Basic Emotions
Basic emotions, also known as primary emotions (happiness, sadness, interest, surprise, fear, anger, and disgust), are universal, experienced by people around the world (Cordaro et al., 2018; Lench, Baldwin, An, & Garrison, 2018). Basic emotions emerge in all infants at about the same ages and are seen and interpreted similarly in all cultures that have been studied, suggesting that they are inborn (Izard et al., 2010). Between 2 and 7 months of age, infants begin to display anger, sadness, joy, surprise, and fear (Bennett, Bendersky, & Lewis, 2005).
Research with adults suggests that emotions are the result of interactions among richly connected, subcortical brain structures, including the brainstem and the limbic system, as well as parts of the cerebral cortex (Celeghin, Diano, Bagnis, Viola, & Tamietto, 2017; Kragel & LaBar, 2016). These structures develop prenatally and are present in animals, suggesting that emotions serve a biological purpose, are crucial to survival, and are likely experienced by infants (Rolls, 2017; Turner, 2014).
Table 6.1
Emotions develop in predictable ways, as shown in Table 6.1. As mentioned, basic emotions are assumed to be inborn. During the first few months of life, however, the ways that primary emotions are displayed and the conditions that elicit them change. For example, in adults, smiling indicates happiness. Newborns smile, and smiling is one of the most important emotional expressions in infancy. Newborn smiles are reflexive, involuntary, and linked with shifts in arousal state (e.g., going from being asleep to drowsy wakefulness), and they occur frequently during periods of rapid eye movement (REM) sleep (Kawakami et al., 2008). At about 3 weeks, infants smile while awake and alert and in response to familiarity—familiar sounds, voices, and tastes (Sroufe & Waters, 1976).
During the second month of life, as infants’ vision improves, they smile more in response to visual stimuli—sights that catch their attention, such as bright objects coming into view (Sroufe, 1997). The social smile emerges between 6 and 10 weeks of age (Lewis, Hitchcock, & Sullivan, 2004). The social smile, which occurs in response to familiar people, is an important milestone in infant development because it shows social engagement (Messinger & Fogel, 2007). The social smile plays a large role in