TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE TREASURY
Gentlemen,—Your favor of May the 9th, came to hand on the 25th of June, I immediately communicated to the foreign officers the inability of the treasury at that moment to provide payment of the interest due them, with assurances of your attention to them on the first possible moment. I communicated to Commodore Jones also your order for the balance in his hands. As he was entitled to a part of the money he had received, and it was reasonable to suppose he must have been living here on that resource, so that he could not be expected to pay the whole sum received, I desired him to state his account against that fund as he thought just himself, to pay me the balance on account, reserving to you a full right to discuss the propriety of his charges, and to allow or disallow them as you pleased, so that nothing that passed between us, should either strengthen or weaken his claims. He accordingly rendered me the account which I now enclose, balance 112, 172l. 2-4. He desired me at the same time to forward to you the papers, No. 1-12, which will show the objections and difficulties he had to encounter, and which could have been obviated by nobody else. There certainly was no other person whose knowledge of the transactions so well qualified them to negotiate this business, and I do suppose that this fund would have lost some of its capital articles in any other hands. This circumstance, with the real value of this officer, will, I doubt not, have their just influence in settling his claims. There is no doubt but that he has actually expended the money charged to have been expended. Without this supply, Mr. Grand would have been in advance for the United States, according to a rough estimate which I made, 42, 281l. 61s., besides 24, 437l. 11s., which, on the failure of the federal funds here, and being apprised of Mr. Grand's advances, I had ventured to order him to take from a sum of money lodged in his hands for the State of Virginia for the purchase of arms. This liberty was taken in order that he might honor the draughts of Mr. Carmichael and Mr. Dumas, pay certain foreign officers who had not yet been paid pari passu with their brother officers, and answer my demand also. These two sums amounting to 66, 719l. 7s., were first to be replaced, and left a balance of 45, 452l. 15, 8s. Though you had proposed to leave this in my hands for the calls of diplomatic establishments in Europe, I ventured to have it paid with the residue of the mass into Mr. Grand's hands, to avoid giving him umbrage and lessening his dispositions to advance hereafter, and also because it would have been very insecure in my house which stands on the outline of the city, separated from all others by a considerable interval, and therefore exposed to robbery. The insurance in this situation would have been worth much more than Mr. Grand's commission on it. From this detail, you will perceive that there remains on hand about enough to answer the demands of the diplomatic establishments in France, Spain, England and Holland for a quarter of a year from this date, which I have instructed Mr. Grand to apply solely to that purpose.
Commodore Jones will set out shortly for Copenhagen to settle the demand against that Court, which done, he will return to America to close the matters which have been confided to him.
I have the honor to be, with the highest esteem and respect, gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. HAWKINS
Dear Sir,—Your favor of June the 14th, is come to hand, and I am to thank you for your attention to my queries on the subject of the Indians. I have sent many copies to other correspondents, but as yet have heard nothing from them. I shall proceed, however, in my endeavors, particularly with respect to their language, and shall take care so to dispose of what I collect thereon, as that it shall not be lost. The attention which you pay to their rights, also, does you great honor, as the want of that is a principal source of dishonor to the American character. The two principles on which our conduct towards the Indians should be founded, are justice and fear. After the injuries we have done them, they cannot love us, which leaves us no alternative but that of fear to keep them from attacking us. But justice is what we should never lose sight of, and in time it may recover their esteem. Your attention to one burthen I laid on you, encourages me to remind you of another, which is the sending me some of the seeds of the Dionæa Muscipula, or Venus fly-trap, called also with you, I believe, the Sensitive Plant. This can come folded in a letter. Europe is in a profound calm. The Venetians, Russians and Austrians, indeed, are pecking at the Turks, but I suppose it is only to keep alive pretensions which may authorize the commencement of hostilities when it shall suit them. Whether this will be immediately on the death of the King of Prussia, or some time after, cannot be said. That event may be daily expected. It seems as if this Court did not fear a land war, and they are possessed of the best materials of judging. My reason for thinking they do not expect a disturbance of their tranquillity on this Continent is, that their whole attention is bestowed on marine preparations. Their navy is growing, and the practicability of building a seaport is no longer problematical. Cherbourg will certainly be completed; it will be one of the safest and most commodious ports in the world, and will contain the whole navy of France. It will have the advantage over the English ports on the opposite shore, because they leave two openings, which will admit vessels to come in or go out with any wind. This port will enable them in case of a war with England, to invade that country, or to annihilate its commerce, and of course its marine. Probably, too, it will oblige them to keep a standing army of considerable magnitude. We are tolerably certain of establishing peace with the Emperor of Morocco, but Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli will still be hostile. Morocco, however, lying on the Atlantic, was the most important. The Algerines rarely come far into that, and Tunis and Tripoli never. We must consider the Mediterranean as absolutely shut to us till we can open it with money. Whether this will be best expended in buying or forcing a peace is for Congress to determine. I shall be glad often to hear from you, and am, with much esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO MR. JAY
Sir,—The enclosed letter from Mr. Barclay, and one from Mr. Carmichael, of which I send you extracts, are come to hand this morning, which is in time for them to go by the same gentleman who carries my letter of the 11th. I observe what Mr. Carmichael says on the subject of the Portuguese treaty, and am sorry it meets with difficulties. I doubt, however, whether he ascribes them to their true cause, when he supposes they are occasioned by M. del Pinto's being of a party opposed to that of their minister at Madrid. The cause is not proportioned to the effect. The treaty between France and England has lately been thought to have become stationary. This is conjectured from the rigor of the custom-houses, much increased by late orders, as also from some other circumstances. The overtures between England and Portugal are animated in proportion, and in the same degree, I suspect that the latter lessens her care about us. If her wines were to become superfluous at the English market, she wished and hoped to find a great one with us open, to receive them. M. del Pinto's courier, which carried the treaty to Falmouth, arrived a few hours too late for the Lisbon packet-boat. This lost a month in the conveyance, and that month, by producing new prospects, has been critical. There is not a want of probability that del Pinto himself will succeed the deceased minister in Portugal. This would be favorable to our treaty, and fortunate for us in proportion to the value of a connection with that nation. He is sensible, candid, and has just ideas as to us, and favorable dispositions toward us. I expect that Mr. Adams is at this moment at the Hague, as he intended there to take leave of that Court, and, at the same time, to exchange the ratification of the Prussian treaty. But I send on to London copies of the enclosed, in hopes he will speedily be returned there. I shall propose to him that we consider whether the conduct of the Dey of Algiers leaves any hope that any negotiator whatever could obtain his peace without a prodigious addition to the price we had thought of? If we conclude on the negative, still it will remain to decide whether the expense of Mr. Barclay's going there may not be compensated by additional information, by the possibility that he might find their ultimatum, and the advantage of relieving the mind of Congress from all suspense by possessing them of this ultimatum. The peace of Spain, too, being concluded, it is to be seen whether their interference can weigh as money. It has done so at Morocco. But Algiers is a fiercer power.
I have the honor to be, with