12
Arnd Reitemeier, Aussenpolitik im Spätmittelalter. Die diplomatischen Beziehungen zwischen dem Reich und England, 1377–1422 (Paderborn, 1999), pp. 14–15, 474–81 and passim.
13
Marie Tanner, The last descendant of Aeneas. The Hapsburgs and the mythic image of the emperor (New Haven, 1993); Martin Kintzinger, Die Erben Karls des Grossen. Frankreich und Deutschland im Mittelalter (Ostfildern, 2005); and Alexandre Y. Haran, Le lys et le globe. Messianisme dynastique et rêve impérial en France à l’aube des temps modernes (Seyssel, 2000). For the strategic dimension see Duncan Hardy, ‘The 1444–5 expedition of the dauphin Louis to the Upper Rhine in geopolitical perspective’, Journal of Medieval History, 38, 3 (2012), pp. 358–87 (especially pp. 360–70).
14
Bernd Marquardt, Die ‘europäische Union’ des vorindustriellen Zeitalters. Vom Universalreich zum Staatskörper des Jus Publicum Europaeum (800–1800) (Zurich, 2005).
15
Thomas A. Brady, German histories in the age of Reformations, 1400–1650 (Cambridge, 2009), pp. 90–98.
16
Eberhard Isenmann, ‘Reichs nanzen und Reichssteuern im 15. Jahrhundert’, Zeitschrift für die historische Forschung, 7 (1980), pp. 1–76 and 129–218 (especially pp. 1–9).
17
Tom Scott, ‘Germany and the Empire’, in Christopher Allmand (ed.), The New Cambridge Medieval History. Vol. VII: c. 1415 – c. 1500 (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 337–40.
18
В классической геополитике хинтерланд – важная территория, примыкающая к уже завоеванной. Примеч. ред.
19
Quoted in Hugh Thomas, Rivers of gold. The rise of the Spanish Empire (London, 2003, 2010 edition), p. 494.
20
Quoted in Andreas Osiander, The states system of Europe, 1640–1990. Peacemaking and the conditions of international stability (Oxford, 1994), p. 79.
21
Jonathan Harris, The end of Byzantium (New Haven and London, 2010), pp. 178–206.
22
Daniel Goffman, The Ottoman Empire and Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 2002), pp. 2–3, 9–10, 13 (re the prophet Muhammed), 19, 222 and passim; and Osman Turan, ‘The ideal of world domination among the medieval Turks’, Studia islamica, IV (1955), pp. 77–90, especially pp. 88–9.
23
Steven Runciman, The fall of Constantinople, 1453 (Cambridge, 1966), pp. 160–80, and W. Brandes, ‘Der Fall Konstantinopels als apokalyptisches Ereignis’, in S. Kolditz and R. C. Müller (eds.), Geschehenes und Geschrie – benes. Studien zu Ehren von Günther S. Henrich und Klaus-Peter Matschke (Leipzig, 2005), pp. 453–69.
24
Quoted in Iver B. Neumann and Jennifer M. Welsh, ‘The other in European self-definition: an addendum to the literature on international society’, Review of International Studies, 17, 4 (1991), pp. 327–48 (p. 336).
25
Quoted in Peter O’Brien, European perceptions of Islam and America from Saladin to George W. Bush. Europe’s fragile ego uncovered (London, 2009), p. 75. See also Rhoads Murphey, ‘Süleyman I and the conquest of Hungary: Ottoman manifest destiny or a delayed reaction to Charles V’s universalist vision’, Journal of Early Modern History, 5 (2001), pp. 197–221.
26
Theodore Spandounes, On the origin of the Ottoman emperors, trans. and ed. Donald M. Nicol (Cambridge, 1997), p. 5.
27
Иначе Житваторокский мир, подписан в устье реки Житва, предусматривал отказ от ежегодной выплаты Венгрией дани Турции; взамен император согласился на единовременную выплату туркам значительной суммы. Примеч. ред.
28
Wim Blockmans and Nicolette Mout (ed.), The world of emperor Charles V (Amsterdam, 2004), and Alfred Kohler, Karl V. 1500–1558. Eine Biographie (Munich, 1999).
29
John Lynch, Spain under the Habsburgs. Vol. I: Empire and absolutism (Oxford, 1981), quotation p. 38. On Charles V and ‘Universal Monarchy’ see Franz Bosbach, Monarchia universalis. Ein politischer Leitbegriff der Frühen Neuzeit (Göttingen, 1988), pp. 35–64.
30
То есть супруг правящей королевы, Филипп, еще наследником престола женился на Марии Тюдор (Кровавой); после ее смерти он долго предлагал брак королеве Елизавете. Примеч. ред.
31
Geoffrey Parker, The grand strategy of Philip II (New Haven and London, 1998), p. 4.
32
Gábor Ágoston, ‘Information, ideology, and limits of imperial policy: Ottoman grand strategy in the context of Ottoman – Habsburg rivalry’, in Virginia H. Aksan and Daniel Goffman (eds.), The Early Modern Ottomans: remapping the empire (Cambridge, 2007), pp. 75–103.
33
Goffman, Ottoman Empire and Early Modern Europe, p. 111.
34
The Sultan’s instructions to the Moriscos and his envoy to Flanders are cited in Andrew C. Hess, ‘The Moriscos: an Ottoman fifth column in sixteenth-century Spain’, American Historical Review, 74, 1 (1968), pp. 19–20.
35
Esther-Beate Körber, Habsburgs europäische Herrschaft. Von Karl V. bis zum Ende des 16. Jahrhunderts (Darmstadt, 2002), p. 20 and passim.
36
Quoted in Lynch, Spain under the Habsburgs, pp. 74–5.
37
Aurelio Espinosa, ‘The grand strategy of Charles V (1500–1558): Castile, war, and dynastic priority in the Mediterranean’, Journal of Early Modern History, 9 (2005), pp. 239–83, especially pp. 239–41 and 258–9.
38
Federico Chabod, ‘“¿Milán o los Países Bajos?” Las discusiones en España