Health inequity, treatment compliance, and health literacy at the local level: theoretical and practical aspects. Karen Amlaev. Читать онлайн. Newlib. NEWLIB.NET

Автор: Karen Amlaev
Издательство: Издательские решения
Серия:
Жанр произведения: Учебная литература
Год издания: 2015
isbn: 978-5-4474-2118-2
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solidarity continues for the entire life, thus constantly reproducing social inequity.

      Parents from higher social groups create better conditions for their children not only in childhood and adolescence. When children become independent they still get support through regular money transfers, gifts, property and, finally, inheritance. This is how the support provided by the upper class to their children through their lives will enforce and even increase the social inequity. The youngster who had better chances due to the parents” resources will have obvious advantage in adulthood.

      In general solidarity between generations is well expressed through all the social groups. However, bigger opportunities mean bigger support. Parents without significant resources can never provide such support. This is how families strengthen and increase social inequity. This enhances the chances of children whose parents hold higher social positions thus reducing the opportunities of children from poorer families. Here we must recognize the invaluable service done by the family and assist it in every way. However, an important public and political task is to reduce inequity based on parentage (Szydlik, M., 2004).

      Role of education in health inequity

      As stressed above, education is one of the major determinants of the economic inequity and its role is increasing year after year.

      The public expenses on education make up about 60 % of the total national educational budget; the part covered by the population is about 30 %, with another 10 % coming from the employers. This ratio of public and non-public funding on education (60/40) is significantly different from what economically developed countries have where the population has a higher level of income in general and, which is equally important, where the differentiation in income is much lower, while the private funding from employers and sponsors is higher. For instance, in 2001 in the USA the public budget for education was 69,2 %, in Germany – 81,4 %, in Great Britain – 84,7 %, in Italy – 90,7 %, in Sweden – 96,8 %, in the Czech Republic – 90,6 %, in Slovakia – 97,1 %.

      The crisis of public funding for education in Russia stimulates paid education and getting fee from the family for various services, which increases inequity in access to education. Selection is more and more based not on the aptitude criteria but on the applicants” parents” financial capacity. A survey conducted in 2005 by the Russian National Center for Public Opinion showed that half of the Russian population (55 %) cannot afford educational services that are paid, while 21 % of Russians can afford it in extreme cases only. Besides, attending an educational institution and graduating from it with the respective degree certificate does not mean having quality education. The growing density of education both in school and in universities is one of the factors for a certain reduction of its quality. This already contributes, and will contribute on, to the growth of inequity.

      However, it is common knowledge that each extra year or education in Russia accounts for a nine-percent death rate reduction in men and a seven-percent death rate reduction in women, while those involved in mental work (especially leaders) demonstrate a higher survival rate than those involved in physical labor (Тапилина В. C., 2004). Researches carried out in St. Petersburg (Russia) showed significant differences in health status esteem depending on the level of education and financial deprivation – in the social groups with limited educational and economic resources the health status was lower (Русинова Н. Л., Браун Дж., 1997; Русинова Н. Л., Панова Л. В., 2003; 2005; Максимова Т. М., 2005; Назарова И. Б, 2007). Foreign authors, too, focused on the issue of social differentiation of health in our country. In order to support the facts mentioned it was shown that the level of financial hardships and education are important predictors of the perceived health (Bobak, Pikhart, Hertzman, Rose and Marmot, 1998; Bobak, Pikhart, Rose, Hertzman, and Michael Marmot, 2000; Carlson, 2000). These works also stated that one of the significant health status determinants is such an indicator of social well-being as the perceived control over the life circumstances.

      The differences in education related, to a certain degree, to income differentiation, may also reveal themselves in the value and behavioral aspect of the way someone treats his/her own health. In particular, education is connected to the specificity of ordinary health conceptualization, the level of personal responsibility for one’s health status, and the differences in people’s awareness of health issues, healthy lifestyle, and medical care. People with a degree in higher education are usually involved in a wider network of interpersonal connections thus standing a better opportunity to get instrumental and emotional support. The level of education has also been repeatedly noticed to have relation to the differences in the prevalence of health destroying behavior patterns (Демьянова А. А., 2005; Cockerham, 2000; Pomerleau, Gilmore, McKee, Rose, and Haerpfer, 2004). For instance, in 1998 in the female part of the city 64 % of the respondents with a level of education below average referred to their health as poor or very poor, while among those with a higher degree of education the same response was obtained from 20 % only. As for men, about 58 % of St. Petersburg residents with no complete secondary education considered their health as unsatisfactory, while in the most educated segment the same response was given only in 10 % of cases. In the same year the share of respondents with poor health in the first (lowest) and the fourth (highest) income quartiles were: for women – 30 % and 13 %, and for men – 21 % and 4 % (Русинова Н. Л., Браун Дж., 1997, 1999; Rusinova and Brown, 2003).

      The economic status is a projection of income inequity, which has direct relation to health inequity. However, the differences in income are also known to reflect the differences in the level of education, the professional background. The educational status in many countries is used as the major indicator of people’s status in the socio-economic inequity hierarchy, while the economic status, in turn, is viewed as the indicator of the return from the investment into the cultural capital. Apart from that education can be considered as an indicator of an increased capacity to take and process information, as well as make decisions allowing taking proper and meaningful approaches to maintaining and caring for one’s own health. There is an obvious relation between income and profession. Low income is typically connected with unqualified heavy physical labor, which, in addition, contains the risk of being injured or maimed.

      A separate issue that requires solution within health inequity is marginalized groups that are to be found in any country and in any society. Unfavorable working conditions that potentially exacerbate the impact of environmental risk factors are mostly typical of marginalized groups, such as refugees and migrants even though they could pose a problem for people with a low level of education. The concept of “unfavorable working conditions” may embrace such types as working with no contract signed, child labor, as well as forced and coerced (as a pay for a debt) labor. Working with no contract signed is the major source of inequity in relation to the environment and health, as well as violation of regulations for national labor safety, working hygiene, and working conditions, which involves various negative effects on the health of the employees.

      In Hungary, for instance, 15 % of Gypsy settlements (Roma) were located within 1 kilometer from illegal dumps, and 11 % – within 1 km from the places for destroying dead animals (Gyorgy et al., 2005). In Serbia similar settlements had a 2–3 times lower water supply and hygienic facilities (Sepkowitz, 2006).

      Therefore health inequity has along historical context; this issue is determined by many factors and is found anywhere regardless of the socio-economic level of development of the country as a whole. Yet, in view of ethical, legal, economic, and medical-social implications this issue requires urgent response at all levels, from local to global.

      Health inequity in Russian Federation: state of things

      The issue of inequity in income distribution in the post-socialist area has been a subject for wide discussion both in our country and abroad. This point has always been the focus of researchers and politicians, from time to time giving raise to acute socio-political debate. Russia is no exception here given the significant changes it has undergone in the latest decade. Quite a tough issue is developing human potential under rapidly progressing market conditions and similarly rapidly disappearing social benefits for the disadvantaged. In view if this, experts define two types of challenges: