I shall conclude this Preliminary Discourse with a Remark, which may serve to illustrate what I have said touching the evil effects of Constraint in Religion. I took notice, that Persons intirely persuaded of the Truth of what they abjure with their mouths, sink under the Violence of Pain and Torment. We have a memorable Example of this in the Christians of the first Century, when accus’d of the Fire of Rome under the Reign of Nero. This wicked Emperor was himself the Incendiary; and was generally thought so. He did what he cou’d to remove the Suspicion from himself, but all in vain; at last he bethought himself of laying it on the Christians, and had ’em put to the most exquisite Tortures. Some own’d the Fact, and accus’d a very great number of their Brethren; yet they were all perfectly innocent: but as their Executioners undoubtedly signify’d, that the Design of these Torments was only to make ’em confess themselves the Authors of the Crime, and name a great many Accomplices (for Nero hop’d by this means to acquit himself) they readily gave into the noose, overcome by the Extremity of Pain. Which shews how very difficult it is for a body not to lye, when expos’d to the trial of the sharpest Sufferings. What’s remarkable herein, is, that the Martyrology celebrates all these first Christians, who were tormented on this occa-<34>sion, as Martyrs; as well those who had the Weakness to tell a lye by owning themselves guilty, and accusing their Brethren of an Action very infamous to the Christian Name, as those who resisted the Temptation. Igitur primo correpti qui fatebantur, says Tacitus in B. 15. of his Annals, deinde indicio eorum multitudo ingens haud perinde in crimine incendii quam odio humani generis convicti.29
When a body considers the Effects of violent Methods on these first Christians, who ought to have bin fill’d with the greatest Ardor which a nascent Religion is able to inspire, when sustain’d by so many visible and fresh Marks of the Divinity of its Founder; when one considers besides, the Success that all those have had who have persecuted to the Rigor, he can’t but conceive a Contempt, mixt with Indignation, for those French Writers, who deafen us with their vile Flatterys, while they pretend that the Extirpation of Calvinism in France was a Work reserv’d for the greatest and most accomplish’d Monarch that ever came into the World, meaning Lewis XIV. One of these Scriblers, a Preacher by Trade (which I observe not to heighten, but to diminish my Reader’s Surprize) pronounc’d a Panegyrick in a full Sorbon last year,30 in which he told his Hearers, there was a necessity of a Concurrence of several extraordinary Circumstances to extinguish Hugonotism; A solid Peace with the neighboring Powers, the Glory of a Prince spread to the uttermost parts of the Universe, the Terror of his Name transmitted to distant Countrys, a mighty Power, a deal of Lenity, &c. He adds, that Lewis the <35> Great was blest with all these Advantages; that the Kings his Predecessors had employ’d Fire and Sword to destroy the Heresys of their Times, some with good Success, and some to no purpose: but that his Majesty, without making use of these lawful means, had triumph’d over Heresy by his Gentleness, by his Wisdom, and by his Piety. This is exactly the Language of a world of other Authors, even those who are neither Haranguers nor Sermon-mongers. And now who cou’d forbear laughter, did the Miserys of his Neighbor allow his laughing at things the most ridiculous in themselves? ’Twas necessary, say they, that his Glory shou’d be spread to the utmost parts of the Earth, the Terror of his Name convey’d to foreign Nations, and a mighty Power: And why all this? Only to convert Hereticks, by his Gentleness, by his Wisdom, and by his Piety. Did ever any one hear such Extravagance? This Terror, this Power, this Glory, were proper enough, I own, for constraining Men to return into the Bosom of the Church, who were most averse to it, and to extort the signing of a Formulary; but where a Prince resolves to employ only Gentleness, and Wisdom, and Piety, as this Abbe Robert says in his Panegyrick the King did, I can’t see of what use it was to render himself terrible to all Europe. But to pass over this Contradiction, to pass over all the Remarks which may be made on these mercenary Declamations; as their saying on one hand, he had accomplish’d the Work by Methods of Gentleness, and on the other hand that it was necessary to strike a terror into Strangers, and be sustain’d with mighty Forces; which shews at least that there was a Design of working upon the Fears <36> of People, and employing Force against those who wou’d not be converted by fair means: to pass over, I say, all these Remarks, I shall content my self with maintaining, that there was so little need of acquiring a mighty Reputation, such as the King of France has got by the Success of his Arms, in order to constrain his Subjects by the methods which have bin practis’d to make ’em abjure, that the meanest Monarch of the first or second Race might have done as much, had he to deal with Subjects under such Circumstances as the Hugonots, dispers’d over a vast Kingdom, without a Head, without Fortresses, without Magazines, surrounded and every where beset by Popish Subjects and arm’d Troops. Chuse me out any Nation of Men that you please, and of what Religion you please; scatter ’em all over France, exactly as those of the Reformation lay, and I’l chuse my King the despicablest and meanest that ever wore a Crown, but with plenty of Dragoons and Foot-Soldiers at his beck: let him give ’em orders to treat their Landlords as the pretended Hereticks were lately treated in France, I’l pawn my Life, and I dare say any sober Man, who considers the matter ever so little, will be of my opinion, that these People will almost every Mother’s Son of ’em change their Religion. But how comes it then, that neither Charles IX nor Henry III cou’d compass the Ruin of this Sect? Not because either of ’em was void of the personal Qualitys which meet in the Prince who is now on the Throne, but because the Hugonots were then arm’d, and in a condition to repel Force by Force; besides that, generally speaking, they were in those days extremely zealous in their <37> Religion. Had these Princes found the Reformation in that Declension to which it was reduc’d about ten years ago, they had certainly accomplish’d its Ruin as effectually as others have now. I say then, that its Declension in Power being once suppos’d, which is principally due to Lewis XIII, there was no need of a formidable Glory among Strangers, nor of any extraordinary personal Qualitys to finish its Ruin; there was nothing more requisite to this end, than on one hand a Capacity in the Prince of looking with a dry and unrelenting Air on the sacking of one part of his Subjects, and the Captivity or Exile of so many Familys, and on the other a great many Soldiers accustom’d to Barbaritys: nothing more was requisite for the so much boasted Exploit. The Chilperic’s and the Wenceslaus’s31 had bin altogether as well qualify’d for such a Work in the foremention’d Circumstances, as the Charlemagn’s.
Which more and more exposes the French Panegyrists want of Judgment, who can’t say three words together with any Justness, or without cutting themselves down. I’m amaz’d, that among so many Refugees as write upon the present State of their Religion, not one of ’em shou’d think of making Extracts of all that the French Catholicks say of this kind in their Books. One shou’d find in ’em such a Chaos of jarring and incoherent Thoughts, as can no where be parallel’d. I’m told, they design to intreat Mr. Colomies to give himself this trouble.32
I can scarce make the primitive Church an Exception to the general Rule. I know ’twas the Purpose of Providence, that it shou’d