Ireland under the Stuarts and During the Interregnum (Vol.1-3). Bagwell Richard

of refusing to redress grievances after the price of reform had been paid, but hardly seems to have realised that he was doing that very thing. He had the courage of his opinions, and he knew his ‘great master’ as he is fond of calling Charles. ‘In these particulars,’ he said, ‘wherein the request of the petition shall be yielded to by your Majesty, we desire to reserve entirely to yourself the beauty of the act, and the acknowledgment thereof; so in the other particulars, wherein there is reason to deny them their requests, we your servants will assume the same to ourselves.’ The Chancellor, Lord Cork, and Sir William Parsons lent the weight of their signatures to Wentworth’s memorandum, but the name of Mountnorris is wanting. Rumours that the graces would be withheld were soon in circulation, and on November 4, after a three months’ recess, Parliament met again in very bad humour. There had been some delay in transmitting final instructions from England, and it was not till the 27th that Wentworth announced the denial of the most important graces. In the House of Commons the Roman Catholics, through the negligence or secret sympathy of some Protestants, found themselves in a majority upon that day, and at once broke into open revolt. They rejected every Bill presented to them, though some were evidently useful and harmless, and business was at a standstill. ‘Had it continued two days in that state,’ said Wentworth, ‘I had certainly adjourned the House, advertised over, and craven his Majesty’s judgment.’ For a moment the lead of the Opposition was assumed by Sir Piers Crosbie, member for the Queen’s County, a Protestant and a Privy Councillor, and here Wentworth saw his opportunity. He summoned the Council, and easily persuaded them to suspend Crosbie, and he afterwards had instructions from England to expel him altogether. He then went to the House of Lords. ‘I told them,’ he said, ‘what a shame it was for the Protestant party, that were in number the greater, to suffer their religion to be insensibly supplanted, his Majesty in some degree disregarded, the good ordinances transmitted for their future peace and good government to be thus disdainfully trodden under foot by a company of wilful, insolent people, envious both to their religion and to their peace, and all this for want of a few days’ diligent attendance upon the service of the public.’

      Wentworth rallies the Protestant majority.

      Expulsion of Geoffrey Baron.

He urged each peer to exert his influence with friends in the House of Commons; this was done, and a working majority was again secured. Among the wilful insolent people was Geoffrey Baron, member for Clonmel, ‘a young man, a kind of petty chapman’s son, who by peddling left him some 200l. a year,’ who opposed everything and who recklessly misstated facts. Wentworth determined to make an example of him, and the motion for his expulsion was carried by sixteen. After this things went smoothly, and all the Government Bills were passed into law.[199]

      Sir Vincent Gookin’s case.

      An impeachment threatened.

      Judicial functions of Parliament.

      Gookin on the English settlers.

Soon after the beginning of the second session both Houses were much excited by a letter of Sir Vincent Gookin, an enterprising English settler who had much property in the county of Cork. It was addressed to the Lord Deputy, though never delivered to him, and it is doubtful whether it was printed or not. In any case it was freely circulated in Munster, and a copy of it read out in the House of Commons. It was, says Wentworth, ‘a most bitter invective against the whole nation, natives, old English, new English, Papist, Protestant, captains, soldiers and all … it was evident they would have hanged him if they could. The libel indeed is wondrous foul and scandalous.’ An impeachment was threatened, and the two Houses had a conference, where Lord Mountnorris pointed out that the House of Commons had no power to administer an oath, but that the Lords would examine their witnesses and give sentence even in the delinquent’s absence. The judges were consulted, and declared that his land could not be seized as security for his appearance. Mountnorris said nothing about the Deputy and Council, and Wentworth, to prevent the assumption of judicial authority by Parliament, had already sent a pursuivant to arrest Gookin, who made haste to get out of Ireland, where his life was hardly safe. Wentworth in person informed Parliament that the principle of Poynings’ Act extended to judicial as well as to legislative functions, and that moreover the case was already in his hands. He observed that the King had no reason to be pleased with the exercise of parliamentary jurisdiction in England, and having always an eye to revenue, he added that Sir Vincent, who was a very rich man, was well able to bear a fine great in proportion to his offence. Early in the following year Gookin was brought back from England and imprisoned in the Castle, and Wentworth received the thanks of Parliament with a request that he would continue the prosecution, which the English Government left in his hands. It does not appear whether this was done, but Gookin, who paid 1,000l. a year to labourers and fishermen in the neighbourhood of Bandon, and who had thirty years’ experience of Ireland, came into frequent collision with Lord Cork, which was likely to make Wentworth lenient. Gookin was a strong Protestant, who hated the Irish and their priests, and was quite willing to be hated by them in return, but he thought the English Irish even worse. It might have been different if the settlers could have been kept to themselves, but as it was the English influence had a constant tendency to grow weaker. ‘As soon as any Englishman cometh over and settleth himself in this country and hath gotten any estate, he findeth himself environed with the Irish, and hath no safety both for himself and posterity but by some way to stick themselves by marriage and gossiping or the like.’ Gookin died some four years later, and his son, who played a considerable part during the Commonwealth, took a somewhat different view of the country.[200]

      Wentworth’s regard for privilege of Parliament.

      Submissiveness of the Commons.

      A parliamentary bravo.

Another incident occurred during this same session which is important only as an illustration of Wentworth’s high-handed methods. Sir John Dongan having made a speech unpleasing to the official party in the House of Commons, Captain Charles Price remarked in a loud tone that he did not know what he was doing. An altercation followed which Dongan evidently tried to avoid, for he said he meant no harm. Price then called him saucy, and Sir John very naturally gave him the lie. All this happened inside the bar of the House of Commons, yet the Council took the case up. Dongan was imprisoned in the Castle, forced to give a written apology, fined, and ordered to be brought by the constable of the Castle to the bar of the House and to repeat his submission there upon his knees. This was carried out to the letter a few days later, and entered in the journals, without comment. A committee of six was appointed to wait on the Lord Deputy and beg him to remit the penalty for offending the King, the offence to Parliament and to the Lord Deputy having been already purged. Price was employed by Wentworth as an agent at Court, for which purpose he had very long leave from his military duties. We may judge from a letter of Lord Keeper Coventry what sort of man he was. ‘Your servant, Captain Price, is now with us, and I assure you is not silent in anything that concerns your honour, and in truth serves you with his tongue and protests he will not fail to do it with his sword. I hope your lordship hath no need of the latter in Ireland, and your friends here are well pleased to hear how he lays about him with the former, and therefore it is hoped you will yet spare him from his garrison till he have done here what is meet to be done.’[201]

      Assessment of the subsidies.

      Wentworth wishes to keep his Parliament together,

      but the King insists on a dissolution.

      Parliament dissolved, April 18, 1635.

No subsidy had hitherto yielded more than about 30,000l., but there had been many exemptions and many cases of fraud whereby the great transferred their share of the burden to the poor. Wentworth succeeded in raising each subsidy to rather more than 40,000l. from the Commons, with over 6,000l. from the nobility, and 3,000l. from the clergy. The two last sums were to be levied by the Government, but the House of Commons, fearing lest the Deputy should be tempted to take even more than