21.Not Zulu, as claimed e.g. in D. Denoon and B. Nyeko, Southern Africa since 1800, London, 1984, 25.
22.Walker, History of South Africa, 182, n.l.
23.Walker, History of South Africa, 2nd ed., London, 1940, 18. Cobbing is, I think, wrong to suggest that Walker is here using Mfecane in a broader sense than he had in 1928, and therefore wrong to link a broader usage to the rise of Nazism in Europe: Cobbing 'The Case Against the Mfecane', 8–9.
24.Walker, History of Southern Africa, 3rd ed., London, 1957, 175–6.
25.Davenport, South Africa: A Modern History, 4th ed., Johannesburg, 1991, ch. 1; L.M. Thompson, A History of South Africa, New Haven, 1990, 80–7.
26.R. Elphick and H. B. Giliomee, eds., The Shaping of South African Society, 1652–1820, Cape Town, 1979. In reviews of both editions I was critical of the title of the book for this reason. In the second edition, The Shaping of South African Society, 1652–1840, Cape Town, 1989, J. B. Peires 'The British and the Cape', refers to the Mfecane as 'a series of wars set in motion by the Zulu king Shaka', 486.
27.Macmillan referred to William Stubbs's Select Charters and Other Illustrations of English Constitutional History from the Earliest Times to the Reign of Edward the First, one of the setworks he had studied as an undergraduate at Oxford.
28.W.M. Macmillan, Bantu, Boer, and Briton, London, 1929, 19.
29.Macmillan, Bantu, Boer, and Briton, 18–20.
30.W.M. Macmillan, 'The Frontier and the Kaffir Wars, 1792–1836', in A. P. Newton and E. Benians, eds, The Cambridge History of the British Empire, vol.8, Cambridge, 1936, 301.
31.C. W. de Kiewiet, 'Social and Economic Developments in Native Tribal Life', in Cambridge History, vol.8, 808–9; A History of South Africa: Social and Economic, Oxford, 1941, 50.
32.Cobbing, 'The Mfecane as Alibi', 489.
33.For elaboration see C. Saunders, The Making of the South African Past, Cape Town, 1988.
34.Cobbing, 'The Mfecane as Alibi', 518–9.
35.Cf. W.M. Macmillan, My South African Years: An Autobiography, Cape Town, 1975, 181.
36.Especially De Kiewiet, 'Social and Economic Developments'; cf. C. Saunders, C. W. de Kiewiet: Historian of South Africa, Cape Town, 1986.
37.In his earlier, unpublished papers, Cobbing did take note of this change. Cf. n. 2 above.
38.Cobbing, 'The Mfecane as Alibi', 487 n.3.
39.Omer-Cooper, The Zulu Aftermath, 2 and 7.
40.Cobbing does not provide evidence for his statement ('Jettisoning the Mfecane', 16) that 'the tea room at UCT' was important in the development of the overpopulation hypothesis; in discussions on this subject in the African Studies tea room there, Monica Wilson stressed the Delagoa Bay trade hypothesis. The case for a long process of change has been advanced recently for the Phongolo-Mzimkhuku region by John Wright and Carolyn Hamilton, 'Traditions and Transformations: The Phongolo–Mzimkhulu Region in the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries', in A.H. Duminy and B. Guest. eds, Natal and Zululand from Earliest Times to 1910: A New History, Pietermaritzburg, 1989, ch.3.
41.L.M. Thompson, Moshoeshoe of Lesotho 1786–1870, Oxford, 1975.
42.E. A. Walker. The Great Trek, London, 1934, 7–8.
43.Robert Moffat and Mary Moffat, Apprenticeship at Kuruman: Being the Journals and Letters of Robert and Mary Moffat 1820–1828, ed. by I. Schapera, London, 1951.
44.M. How, 'An Alibi for Mantatisi', African Studies, 13 (1954), 65–76; and see the discussion in W.F. Lye, 'The Difaqane: The Mfecane in the Southern Sotho Area, 1822–24', Journal of African History, 8 (1967), 109 and n.5.
45.Lye, 'The Distribution of the Sotho Peoples' and Thompson's summary of Lye's chapter in African Societies, 15.
46.M. Legassick, 'The Missionaries, the Griqua and the Sotho-Tswana: The Politics of a Frontier Zone', Ph.D. thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, 1969.
47.R. K. Rasmussen's thesis was published as Migrant Kingdom: Mzilikazi's Ndebele in South Africa, Cape Town, 1978. The history of the Ndebele north of the Limpopo was written by J. Cobbing, then in Zimbabwe, for a Lancaster University doctorate entitled 'The Ndebele under the Khumalos, 1820–1896', 1976. Thompson's post at the University of California, Los Angeles had gone to Terence Ranger, whose main interest was Zimbabwe history.
48.Rasmussen, Migrant Kingdom, esp. 202 and n.96. Cf. J. Wright, 'A.T. Bryant and "the Wars of Shaka" ', History in Africa, 18 (1991), 409–25.
49.A. Smith, 'The Trade of Delagoa Bay as a Factor in Nguni Politics, 1750–1835', in L.M. Thompson, ed., African Societies. Smith's thesis, completed in 1970, was, like Lye's, never published.
50.S. Marks, 'The Rise of the Zulu Kingdom' in R. Oliver, ed., The Middle Age of African History, London, 1967; 'The Traditions of the Natal "Nguni" ', in Thompson, ed., African Societies in Southern Africa. Marks was at the time completing what became Reluctant Rebellion: The 1906–8 Disturbances in Natal, Oxford, 1971, a history of the early twentieth-century Bambatha rebellion.
51.The theses by Guy and Bonner were published as J. J. Guy, The Destruction of the Zulu Kingdom: The Civil War in Zululand, 1879–1884, London, 1979; and P. Bonner, Kings, Commoners and Concessionaires: The Evolution and Dissolution of the Nineteenth-Century Swazi State, Cambridge, 1983. D. Hedges, 'Trade and Politics in Southern Mozambique and Zululand in the Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries', Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1978; and H. Slater, 'Transitions in the Political Economy of South-East Africa Before 1840', D.Phil. thesis, University of Sussex, 1976, were not published.
52.Cf. e.g. F. van Jaarsveld, Van Van Riebeeck tot Vorster, Johannesburg, 1975. Such ideas were taken up and further elaborated in such publications as the official South Africa 1977, which M. Cornevin criticised in Apartheid, Power and Historical Falsification, Paris, 1980, and in school textbooks.
53.Thompson's response appeared eventually in The Political Mythology of Apartheid, New Haven, 1985; Omer-Cooper's, in a paper presented to the Australian African Studies Association in 1981, was never published.
54.E.g. J.J. Guy, 'Production and Exchange in the Zulu Kingdom', Mohlomi, 2 (1978), 96–106 (and in J.B. Peires, ed., Before and After Shaka: Papers in Nguni History. Grahamstown, 1981); 'Ecological Factors in the Rise of Shaka and the Zulu Kingdom', in S. Marks and A. Atmore, eds, Economy and Society in Pre-Industrial South Africa, London, 1980; J.B. Wright, 'Pre-Shakan Age-Group Formation among the Northern Nguni', Natalia 8 (1978) 23–9. Cf. a paper which has appeared since this essay was written: J. Peires, 'Paradigm Deleted: The Materialist Interpretation of the Mfecane', Journal of Southern African Studies, 19, 2 (1993), 295–313.
55.James O. Gump's doctoral thesis at the University of Nebraska on 'Revitalisation through Expansion in South Africa c. 1750–1840: A Reappraisal of the "Open" Mfecane', 1980, was centrally on the Mfecane. Its first chapter offered a critique of the materialism of, for example, John Wright's article on 'Pre-Shakan Age-Group Formation', and instead proposed a cultural explanation, suggesting parallels between Shaka and Hiawatha.
56.Peires, Before and After Shaka, 1 and back cover.
57.J. Cobbing, 'The Ndebele State', in Peires, Before and After Shaka, 160.
58.Cobbing, 'The Mfecane as Alibi', 487, n.5.
59.E.g. she lumped together Cory, Walker and Macmillan, and said that all Theal's works are characterised by a profound contempt for blacks: Cornevin, Apartheid, Power and Historical Falsification, 103.
60.See his review in Social Dynamics, 6 (1980), 89–90.
61.'Mnguni' [H. Jaffe], Three