22See G.S.J. Moller, Loeriesfontein, 1860–1897 (Loeriesfontein: n.p., 1988); CPP A8-1866, pp. 17, 21.
23In the course of research for the Commission on Land Restitution I have collected biographies of original Baster inhabitants of Gordonia in the 1880s. Of 40 of these, 21 were born in the Calvinia district (i.e. the Hantam): one in 1806, one in 1811 and one in 1814, eight in the 1820s or 1830s, six in the 1840s, four in the 1850s to 1870s. In other words their parents’ occupation of the region pre-dated these dates.
24See UG41-1926, Report of the Rehoboth Commission, p. 27. Of the Gordonia Basters, six were born in Williston, the later name for Amandelboom, in 1841, 1849, 1854, 1861, 1864, and 1865 respectively.
25CA SGBB27, Undated piece of paper.
26J. Schroeder, evidence 24/11/1866, in CPP A8-1866, p. 4.
27London Missionary Society (LMS) Journals 1/6, Albrecht and Siedenfaden, entry October 12, 1805 in LMS Journals, 1/6, quoted in Legassick, Politics of a South African frontier, p. 48.
28Penn, Forgotten frontier, p. 13.
29J. Schroeder, evidence 24/11/1866, in CPP A8-1866, p. 6.
30See Legassick, Politics of a South African frontier, pp. 6ff.
31There is a vast literature on this subject, but see for example Legassick, Politics of a South African frontier, passim; M. Legassick, The struggle for the Eastern Cape, 1800–1854: subjugation and the roots of South African democracy ( Johannesburg: KMM Review, 2011), passim.
32S. Newton-King, Masters and servants on the Cape eastern frontier, 1760–1803 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 74ff.
33Penn, ‘Orange River frontier zone’, pp. 52–7; Penn, Forgotten frontier, pp. 172–8.
34Penn, Forgotten frontier, pp. 178ff.
35N. Penn, Pastoralists and pastoralism in the northern Cape frontier zone during the eighteenth century (Cape Town: Centre for African Studies, UCT, 1986), p. 9.
36T. Strauss, War along the Orange, pp. 19–20. See also Newton-King, Masters and servants, pp. 70ff for qualification of Penn’s argument.
37Ross, ‘!Kora wars’, p. 563. For a description of the route in about 1870 see Anon, ‘In the Achterveld’, in A. Schaefer (ed.), Life and travels in the north-west, 1850–1899: Namaqualand, Bushmanland and the West Coast (Cape Town: Yoshi, 2008), pp. 154–7.
38Legassick, Politics of a South African frontier, pp. 52, 55; Penn, ‘Orange River frontier zone’, pp. 33–4.
39Penn, ‘Orange River frontier zone’, pp. 33–4, 44, 54; Penn, Forgotten frontier, p. 168; Legassick, Politics of a South African frontier, p. 55.
40Penn, Forgotten frontier, p. 168.
41Penn, ‘Orange River frontier zone’, pp. 51, 55–6; Penn, Forgotten frontier, p. 175.
42See Legassick, Politics of a South African frontier, pp. 70–1.
43B. Lau, Southern and central Namibia in Jonker Afrikaner’s time (Windhoek: National Archives, 1987), pp. 28–40.
44See Smith’s report, in GH 19/4, published in W.F. Lye, Andrew Smith’s journal of his expedition into the interior of South Africa, 1834–36: an authentic narrative of travels and discoveries, the manners and customs of the native tribes, and the physical nature of the country (Cape Town: Balkema, 1975); also T. Dedering, ‘Southern Namibia c.1700–c.1840: Khoikhoi, missionaries and the advancing frontier’ (PhD, UCT, 1989), pp. 24, 250–7, 262–6. Knowledge of the earlier history of the Bondelswarts is scant: see V.L. Tonchi, W.A. Lindeke and J.J. Grotpeter (eds), Historical dictionary of Namibia (Lanham: Scarecrow Press, 2012). In terms of the treaty, the Bondelswarts chief got yearly supplies of ammunition and commodities from the Cape government, in return for submitting reports to it. See, for example, D’Urban to Abraham, chief of the Bondelswarts, 26/3/1834, British Parliamentary Papers (henceforth BPP) Cd560, pp. 113–5; Cook and A. Christian to Sir B. D’Urban, 30/9/1837, CA GH19/4, cited in Dedering, ‘Southern Namibia’, pp. 25, 265–6, 275, 281–2; Abraham Bondelswarts to Governor, 8/8/1838, 26/8/1845, CA GH14/1, cited in Lau, Southern and central Namibia, pp. 39–40. The treaty is referred to by H. Tindall, ‘Two lectures on Great Namaqualand and its inhabitants delivered before the Mechanics’ Institute, Cape Town’ (Cape Town, 1856), p. 34 as existing in 1856. The next reference I have traced is in 1860, when the magistrate in Namaqualand (a magistracy was established in 1855) asks whether he has been rightly informed that the Bondelswarts chief draws an allowance from the government (Regional magistrate [RM] to Colonial Secretary, 12/7/1860, CA 1/SBK 5/1/1). See also RM to Reverend John Priestley, Nisbet Bath [Warmbad], 19/10/1860, CA 1/SBK 5/1/1; Anthing to Col. Sec., 1/4/1862, CA CO4414; Message from His Excellency…, p. 2, CPP A39-1863; Message from His Excellency the Governor… relative to affairs in the North Western districts of the Colony; RM, Report, 4/7/1862, CA 1/SBK 5/1/2; RM to Reverend J. Priestley, Nisbet Bath, 11/7/1864, CA 1/SBK 5/1/3; Col. Sec. to RM, Namaqualand, 17/9/1866; RM, Namaqualand to Col. Sec. 24/4/1867, BPP C3110. In 1869, when Abraham died, to be replaced by Willem Christian, the Namaqualand magistrate wrote to ask for continuation of payment of the allowance of £9/5/10 provided for in the treaty: RM, Namaqualand to Col. Sec. 21/6/1869; Col. Sec. to RM Namaqualand, 30/11/1869, CPP G61-1879, Report on and papers connected with affairs on the northern border, p. xii. The allowance is subsequently recorded as £50. Sir Thomas Upington refers to a treaty of 31/1/1870 with William Christian in a letter of 17/9/1884 enclosed in Bramston to Pauncefote, 25/10/1884 (FO Confidential Print, 5060, p. 135).
45Dedering, ‘Southern Namibia’ passim. Lau’s picture of an ‘Oorlam invasion’ of southern Namibia, of parasitic acculturated Khoi commando groups serving the interests of colonial merchant capital, and underdeveloping Namibian society, has been challenged and qualified by Dedering, ‘Southern Namibia’. He points out (a) that the Oorlam groups did not invade but rather were formed in southern Namibia, with a strong missionary influence; (b) that initially they aimed to withdraw from colonial society rather than act as its ‘agents’; (c) that it was only after mid-century that all the Oorlam groups became parasitic and militaristic; (d) that ‘[merchant] capital did not come to play its domineering role before Nama/Oorlam groups and Herero cattle-breeders entered into a complex network that was regulated by conflicts and alliances alike’ (p. 217); (e) that ‘Oorlam’ groups did not become fully ‘Europeanised’, but that there was coexistence of European and indigenous cultural practices among them.
46See Lau, Southern and central Namibia, ch. 7.
47T. Strauss, War along the Orange, p. 21.
48Penn, Forgotten frontier, pp. 198–9; Legassick, Politics of a South African frontier, pp. 66–79.
49Parsons, ‘Notes on the history’, p. 55.
50Penn, ‘Orange River frontier zone’, p. 74.
51Parsons, ‘Notes on the history’, p. 54.
52Legassick, Politics of a South African frontier, chs 4–12.
53Ibid., pp. 122–3. See also E.D. Anderson, ‘A history of the Xhosa of the northern Cape, 1795–1879’ (PhD, UCT, 1985), pp. 35–6, 45.
54E.D. Anderson, ‘Xhosa of the northern Cape’, pp. 8, 11–4, 20–4.
55Ibid., pp. 40–1. Also ibid., pp. 24–5, 29–36.
56Ibid., ‘Xhosa of the northern Cape’, p. 38.
57Ibid., pp. 36–9, 40–1, 45–6, 78–9.
58Ibid., pp. 47–8.
59D.A. Findlay, ‘The San of the Cape Thirstland and L. Anthing’s special mission’ (BA Honours,