In the Balance of Power. Omar H. Ali

decided on Samuel McFarland, a virtually unknown white abolitionist from Pennsylvania.

      The nominations and meetings of the radical political abolitionists in upstate New York took place alongside meetings in the Midwest in reaction to the Kansas-Nebraska Act, out of which yet another third party was formed. Outraged by the continued concessions being made to proslavery forces by the major parties, antislavery Whigs and Democrats bolted from their parties and, together with elements of the Know Nothing Party, Free Soilers, and the old Liberty Party, formed the Republican Party on March 20, 1854, in Rippon, Wisconsin Territory.⁹⁵ The Know Nothing Party (whose members were instructed to say “I know nothing” when asked about their activities) had been formed as the Native American Party in the mid-1840s in reaction to the high number of Irish immigrants arriving in New York. From August to October of 1854, Douglass, who was active in both Liberty and Free Soil circles, carried announcements in his newspaper of upcoming meetings of the Republican Party. In four years, the coming together of the political abolitionists and the anti-extensionists in the form of the Republicans would create the most powerful threat yet to the two major parties.

      Reflecting back on how he saw the development of the independent political movement prior to the formation of the Republican Party, Frederick Douglass wrote:

      In 1848 it was my privilege to attend, and in some measure to participate in the famous Free-Soil Convention held in Buffalo, New York. It was a vast and variegated assemblage, composed of persons from all sections of the North, and may be said to have formed a new departure in the history of forces organized to resist the growing and aggressive demands of slavery and the slave power. Until this Buffalo convention anti-slavery agencies had been mainly directed to the work of changing public sentiment by exposing through the press and on the platform the nature of the slave system. Anti-slavery thus far had only been sheet lightning; the Buffalo convention sought to make it a thunderbolt. It is true the Liberty party, a political organization, had been in existence since 1840, when it cast seven thousand votes for James G. Birney, a former slaveholder, but who in obedience to an enlightened conscience, had nobly emancipated his slaves, and was now devoting his time and talents to the overthrow of slavery. It is true that this little party of brave men had increased their numbers at one time to sixty thousand voters. It, however, had now apparently reached its culminating point, and was no longer able to attract to itself and combine all the available elements at the North, capable of being marshaled against the growing and aggressive measures and aims of the slave power. There were many in the old Whig party known as Conscience-Whigs, and in the Democratic party known as Barnburners and Free Democrats, who were anti-slavery in sentiment and utterly opposed to the extension of the slave system to territory hitherto uncursed by its presence, but who nevertheless were not willing to join the Liberty party. It was held to be deficient in numbers and wanting in prestige. Its fate was the fate of all pioneers. The work it had been required to perform had exposed it to assaults from all sides, and it wore on its front the ugly marks of conflict. It was unpopular for its very fidelity to the cause of liberty and justice. No wonder that some of its members, such as Gerrit Smith, William Goodell, Beriah Green, and Julius Lemoyne refused to quit the old for the new. They felt that the Free-Soil party was a step backward, a lowering of the standard, that the people should come to them, not they to the people. … Events, however, overruled this reasoning. The conviction became general that the time had come for a new organization, which should embrace all who were in any manner opposed to slavery and the slave power, and this Buffalo Free-Soil convention was the result of that conviction. It is easy to say that this or that measure would have been wiser and better than the one adopted. But any measure is vindicated by its necessity and its results. It was impossible for the mountain to go to Mahomet, or for the Free-Soil element to go to the old Liberty party, so the latter went to the former.⁹⁶

      In coming months and years, rank-and-file black abolitionists would take the lead in making the antiextentionist Republican Party a “Negro party.” They did so by helping to organize rallies for it, cheering on its candidates, and voting for Republicans wherever they could. Douglass, still committed to political abolition yet aware of its limitations, would eventually follow their lead.

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Republicans, Reconstruction, and Fusion

      It is often asked when and where will the demands of the reformers end? When emancipation shall be followed by enfranchisement, and all men holding allegiance to the government shall enjoy every right of American citizenship.¹

       Henry Highland Garnet, 1865

      With the election of 1856, the Republican Party became the second-largest party in the nation. Although the Democratic Party’s candidate, James Buchanan, won the presidential election with 1,838,169 popular votes (45.3 percent), the Republicans’ John C. Frémont received 1,341,264 (33.1 percent) and carried eleven of the sixteen Northern states. The Republicans had quadrupled the highest popular vote received by any third-party presidential candidate up to that point.² The Whigs did not run a national campaign, but the Know Nothing Party’s candidate, Millard Fillmore, received an impressive 874,534 (21.6 percent). Meanwhile, the Political Abolition Party, with limited appeal because of its immediatist stance, received a total of 484 votes. Clearly, a party of immediate abolitionism and black civil and political rights could only go so far.