War fatigue, shortages, low wages and general dissatisfaction continued throughout the early 1940s. Anti-German sentiment was expressed at football matches in ‘a series of soccer riots that culminated in a wild melee.… Young toughs stoned and pummelled Gauleiter Schirach’s limousine, shattering its windows and slashing its tires,’35 which was comparatively mild hooliganism given later UK standards. Over two thousand per month were arrested for a variety of offences, including ‘insubordination, disruptive behaviour, or refusal to work’.36 There was ‘an upsurge of Communist violence in Salzburg and in railway yards in Styria and Carthinia’,37 and by 1943, ‘there were “daily executions of ten to fifteen anti-Nazis” in Josefstadt’.38 By 1944, communists, socialists, and moderate conservatives joined with O5, the resistance movement who, by the time the war was over, could claim 100,000 members. For others, an era of collective amnesia began.
The violence in Austria was not as prominent as in Germany; during the entire conflict between the left and the fascists, the attempted socialist uprising in 1934 and the subsequent failed Nazi coup, 567 people died—significantly less than in Germany. The far-right militia operated in an anti-working-class capacity, something that was repeated many times in many countries, and anti-fascists were moved towards militancy through provocation by the Heimwehr. The relatively small communist party, the moderation of the SD, the inherent conservatism of the Austrian people and the acceptance of an authoritarian government did not create the climate for militant anti-fascism. After the Anschluss, communists and more radical workers maintained propaganda work and communication with the outside world, in particular the American Office of Strategic Services (OSS). The Gestapo arrested many workers, who met uncertain though no-doubt horrific fates. That the Schlurfs dissented and physically attacked the Hitler Youth is reassuring. As the war progressed, ordinary Austrians, having faced hardship, shortages and external pressures, saw through the Nazi programme—but this in no way explains the barbarity of certain right-wing Austrians and their violent anti-Semitism.
Endnotes:
1 F.L. Carsten, Fascist Movements in Austria (London: Sage, 1977), 12–16.
2 Ibid., 20.
3 Martin Kitchen, The Coming of Austrian Fascism (London: Croom Helm, 1980), 3.
4 Carsten, Fascist Movements in Austria, 47.
5 Ibid., 66.
6 Ibid., 107.
7 Payne, A History of Fascism, 246.
8 Philip Morgan, Fascism in Europe, 1919–1945 (London: Routledge, 2003), 16.
9 Bruce F. Pauley, From Prejudice to Persecution: A History of Austrian Anti-Semitism (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992), 113.
10 Ibid., 266.
11 Ibid., 248.
12 Ibid.
13 Payne, A History of Fascism, 248.
14 Larry Ceplair, Under the Shadow of War: Fascism, Anti-Fascism, and Marxists, 1918–1939 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1987), 68.
15 Kitchen, The Coming of Austrian Fascism, 128.
16 Ibid., 133.
17 Ceplair, Under the Shadow of War, 68.
18 Ibid.
19 Evan Burr Bukey, Hitler’s Austria: Popular Sentiment in the Nazi Era 1938–1945 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000), 15.
20 Kitchen, The Coming of Austrian Fascism, 247.
21 Ibid., 257.
22 Ibid., 258.
23 Ibid., 261.
24 Bukey, Hitler’s Austria, 27.
25 Ibid., 28.
26 Ibid., 56.
27 Ibid., 84.
28 Ibid., 87.