Prairie Imperialists. Katharine Bjork. Читать онлайн. Newlib. NEWLIB.NET

Автор: Katharine Bjork
Издательство: Ingram
Серия: America in the Nineteenth Century
Жанр произведения: Историческая литература
Год издания: 0
isbn: 9780812295641
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“a great part of the appeal and power of Harris’s writings lay in the indefinite suspension of any recognition of power relations or historical change.” Instead, Murray suggests that “keeping the focus on the close relation between the boy and Remus made it possible to provide a sentimental image of rapport as well as to deny the African American any mature manhood.”21 This was not new. An earlier book, Edward E. Pollard’s Black Diamonds Gathered in the Darkey Homes of the South, quotes an approving review from the New Orleans Delta claiming that the author knows the Negro nature “not by intellection merely, but also by heart; knows it, not through the cold light of ethnological science only, but most of all through the warm, enkindling recollections of boyhood and youth. The negro, who in his true nature is always a boy, let him be ever so old, is better understood by a boy than a whole academy of philosophers.”22 For white men, childhood was an individual developmental stage through which they progressed. Primitive people, on the other hand, were perpetually childlike. The developmental childhood of entire races of people made them apt playmates and also, oddly, the sources of folk wisdom and elemental skills derived from being close to nature, which might be adapted and fashioned to suit the purposes of more “grown-up” civilizations.

      Robert Lee Bullard’s ideas about race were typical of his time and upbringing. What is interesting is the connections he made between common racist tropes of black backwardness and childishness and his celebration of the “pleasures and helps” of scouting, which he associated with African American folk knowledge and later with Indian fighting techniques.

      Bullard thought that white civilization was antithetical to the values of scouting, which he extolled in many of his writings. He remained equally insistent on the redemptive power of such a connection with the primitive precisely for “super-civilized” (presumptively Anglo-Saxon) men. One example of the relationship he saw between the two is apparent in a short story he wrote about the Philippines which was never published. “No amount of learning or philosophy or civilization ever quite takes a man beyond a secret willingness, even longing to be trapper, ranger, hunter, woodcraftsman or fighter of savages or outlaws, all in one word, scout,” he wrote. Scouting, for Bullard, was transformative, not because it allowed white men to become Indians, but because it put them in touch with an essential part of their own nature, from which civilization had alienated them. “In this the high and the low, civilized and savage, the general and the private soldier, differ not,” he wrote. “Emperors and kings, princes, leaders, teachers, the greatest that the world has held, have aspired to the qualities, the name and reputation of scout. Is it, as some supercivilized these days would have us believe, the call-back of the wild, the echo of savagery? Ah, no, but something better than they with all their reason can offer us—touch with nature.”23According to this view, reason contrasted with nature; savage people were closer to nature, but the supercivilized were even more in need of the benefits of scouting precisely because they had lost touch with it.

      During the four years Bullard spent at forts in the Southwest, he made his first observations and wrote his first notes on a project that lasted throughout his military career and into retirement. Bullard was obsessed with articulating a hierarchical schema of civilizations and races. Unlike Hugh Lenox Scott, who took an ethnographic approach to the living cultures of the native peoples who so fascinated him, Bullard’s intellectual project was characterized by a historical abstraction of civilizations past and present. The project was teleological of course. Anglo-Saxon civilization, epitomized by its political and industrial achievements, represented the pinnacle of human development. The question was how long it would take other races to attain the same level of advancement. Bullard’s study was an ideological project with immediate and real applications. Part of the colonial authority he increasingly assumed, as his career led to positions of command over men of races he viewed as inferior to his own, derived precisely from the claim he made to possess privileged knowledge about the character of primitive people. Like other army officers whose careers encompassed the trajectory of American expansion, his early impressions of Indian Country inculcated categories of perception and behavior, and especially ways of relating to subject peoples that informed his approaches to the colonial situations he later encountered in the Philippines and Cuba. For these men, the core of their later relationships to projections of Indian Country abroad was based on their formative experience of Indian Country on the plains and in the desert Southwest. For Bullard, dressing in “Indian togs” and going hunting was a way of assimilating the meaning of Indian Country. So was reading the landscape and romanticizing its past.

      Bullard was less steeped than Scott in the poetry of Indian Country, less inclined to embrace “the land of romance, adventure, and mystery” that Scott anticipated as he rode the Great Northern Railroad to the end of the line in Bismarck in 1876.24 Whereas Scott depended on Francis Parkman to orient him to the landscape and people of the North, the book that Bullard had chosen to bring with him when he reported for duty to Fort Union was Don Quixote. Their choice of books says a great deal about the inclinations and temperament of each of these West Point graduates as they embarked on their frontier army careers. Each had his own dreams and romantic notions. Significantly, though, Scott, like Parkman, focused his imagination on the land before him and on relations among the peoples vying for control over it. He was especially fascinated by all the ways Indians had adapted themselves to survive on the northern plains. His descriptions of native peoples extol their oneness with the natural landscape. On the southern border, with only Miguel de Cervantes as guide, Bullard encountered a landscape that seemed to him alienating and uncivilized. “Mighty nature ruled here,” he wrote. “For the hand of man had barely touched her face.”25 Where Scott registered the sublime, Bullard read into the landscape grandeur, but also menace. He found the Sierra Madre wild and dark. He wrote that “the mountains were sometimes frightful in their grandeur, their black repulsiveness and loneliness.”26 Bullard’s descriptions of human settlement in the region emphasize its timelessness and remoteness from the world of movement and consequence, the modern world, the world of men who mattered.

      Bullard showed none of the interest in contemporary Indian cultures that so absorbed Scott. His imagination was instead captured by “the occupation of the region in ages gone by a civilized people.”27 Bullard’s racially determined ideas about the advancement of civilizations throughout history allowed him to admire the pottery and earthen mounds of vanished civilizations while disparaging the culture and character of the contemporary inhabitants of the region.

      Considering how much Bullard later referred to his experience of commanding Indians, it is striking how little attention he paid to the real Indians he encountered in the borderlands, either inhabitants, auxiliaries, or adversaries. Although they later formed a significant point of reference both for his reflections on military pacification and the development of his schema of civilization and barbarity, at the time Bullard seems to have written and reflected little on the Indian scouts, even those attached to his unit. Since he assumed that the contemporary Indians descended from the earlier civilizations whose achievements he found praiseworthy, Bullard viewed the contemporary Indians of the Southwest as the degenerate “half-civilized” descendants of the civilizations that had created the earth mounds and pottery that spoke to him of higher achievements in the past.

      Aside from his imaginative affinity for the exploits of empire, Bullard also pinned his career hopes on mastering the languages of empire, even defunct empire; and, like his study of men and civilizations, Bullard’s choice of language was expedient, too. Aided by his copy of Don Quixote and a Spanish dictionary, Bullard began a study of Spanish which he kept up as long as American imperial engagement with areas of the old Spanish empire made it seem worthwhile. He continued this study throughout his time in the Southwest and during training in Alabama in anticipation of going to Cuba in 1898. The beginning of Bullard’s study of the Spanish empire and Hispanic civilization in the Americas and the Philippines also dates from his time on the border. In the margin of the diary in which he noted his interest in the “curiosities of Old New Mexico, the Pueblo Indians, their history and traditions,” Bullard mused that, as he was being introduced to one chapter of the history of the expansion of the Spanish empire, he was at the same time contemplating going on to Manila “to renew the impressions on the other side of the world of the Spaniard and his ways—Santa Fe on the great Plains of the west, America, and Manila,