If such a city—situated in a beneficial location and free from foreign influences, shielded by a dedicated order of caballeros, governed by the wise, and peopled by thoughtful citizens who came together on occasion for public acts of catharsis—was the ideal as seen through fifteenth-century eyes, how did real cities measure up? Arévalo did not comment at length about any particular city. In fact, only a few fifteenth-century Castilian authors offered extended descriptions of contemporary cities, a marked contrast to the popularity of the genre in later centuries.10 In those that portrayed frontier cities, we can see agreement with Arévalo on the links between the human spirit and its environment but also important differences, particularly on the role of foreign influences.
Don Jerónimo of Córdoba, a canon of the Real Colegiata de San Hipólito during the reign of Enrique IV, likely wrote his Descriptio cordubae sometime before taking up this position and while away from the city. In his prologue, he described himself as an exile and referred to wide-ranging travels: to the Holy Land, Italy, Greece, and Muslim countries.11 These journeys and his experiences abroad made a deep impression on him. Nevertheless, he retained a fond memory of his native land’s soft beauty, noting its ideal combination of rivers, fields, and hills, a landscape that evoked images of the Garden of Eden. In terms akin to those of Arévalo, he opined that “a sweltering climate generates plagues but also inventive people. A cold climate brings forth slow, fraudulent, and ignorant minds. Only a temperate climate brings together positive qualities in the customs of the people. This is what was said about ancient Athens, the seat of wisdom, because the clarity of the air there brought about clarity of the senses and prepared people for the contemplation of wisdom.”12
Alfonso de Palencia, in an undated letter composed at roughly the same time as Jerónimo’s Descriptio, praised Seville to the archdeacon of Carrión, a friend who had left that city to live in Palencia, as a means of comforting him in his exile. Palencia similarly commented on the beneficial climate and the natural bounty of the city’s hinterlands, but in an altogether more practical sense. For Palencia, the advantages of the natural environment lay in its contributions to civic wealth and physical vigor.13 In cataloging Seville’s wealth in wheat, fish, olive oil, and livestock, he noted its self-sufficiency and its ability to outproduce any three Italian cities. In describing the temperate climate, he made the familiar comparisons to regions that are too cold or too hot but emphasized its health benefits rather than its ability to foster a particular character: “For here a person does not endure the numbing cold which makes one’s limbs lifeless, nor can we compare it to the tropics when the summer sun is most intense. There never lacks a breeze strong enough to refresh the young, breathe vigor and life into the old, and comfort and succour the infirm … it seems as if people here only rarely die of illness before the age of eighty.”14
Palencia did not contest the notion that one’s surroundings have a profound influence on his or her character; rather, he deemed the most relevant physical features in the urban environment to be those made by man. Nature, or more properly God, “that supreme artisan and architect,” had provided Seville most generously with the raw materials of prosperity and virtue.15 It was only in the hands of a noble and talented people, however, that such gifts could be made to flower. Palencia’s perspective on this had been shaped by his time in Italy and particularly by the impressive reworking of Florence that took place over the course of the fifteenth century. In De perfectione militaris triumphi, a treatise written in the late 1450s, Palencia has Exercitum (an allegorical figure representing military discipline) marvel at the links between noble people and noble surroundings: “He did not leave before seeing all parts of the great city and delighting in visiting the beautifully arranged temples and in considering the public buildings, much more refined than the pen can describe, on whose façades were written letters that praised the deeds of its citizens in peace and in war … and the men on the streets seemed like consuls or patricians, not unlike their ancient Roman ancestors.”16 To this flowering of human potential, Palencia contrasted Rome itself, whose magnificent ancient buildings had fallen into ruin and destroyed the harmonious ambiance that once had been. Now, “this ugly landscape wounds the soul through the windows of the eyes” and the Romans “for this reason have turned their native intelligence to interpretations of the law and other bureaucratic obligations.” Meanwhile they had been outstripped by their Florentine neighbors, who were ingenious and eloquent “because they daily contemplate with joyful eyes their well-ordered world and contemplate a city flowering in more than just name.”17
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