The first is the acquisition of weapons of mass destruction, chief among them nuclear weapons. Simply put, we cannot allow such a capability ever to pass into the hands of a global network of terror. For bin Laden and his fellow travelers are at war, not just with America or the West, but with the values and principles, the habits and institutions of modern civilization. These extremist ideologues aim to destroy the modern world by unleashing the tools of modern technology. Make no mistake: this enemy, if it ever obtains a modern nuclear weapon, has every intention of using it.
The second goal of our ideological foes is to gain possession and control of nation-states. Just like the Nazis before they seized power in Germany or the Marxists before they took over in Russia, our enemies are seeking countries to conquer because they desire platforms from which they can launch other kinds of attacks. As we know, Al Qaeda ran Afghanistan through its surrogate, the Taliban, and that malignant alliance is part of what made 9/11 possible. Today, Islamic radicals seek to recreate such a safe haven in Iraq, Afghanistan, Somalia, and elsewhere. And that is why we must continue to work to ensure that they never acquire those platforms.
We are fighting a battle not only of armaments but of ideas. And therein lies our greatest strength. Our enemies are animated by a fanatical ideology in which prejudice is lionized instead of condemned, and solving disputes through bombings is viewed as the preferred path to achieving consensus. We, on the other hand, believe in the power of reason, the great legacy bequeathed to us by our intellectual ancestors, including the forefathers of this country. In contrast to our enemies, many of them believed that when we look at the world through reason, we are not betraying faith in the Almighty, but are obeying a divine call to pursue knowledge and truth wherever they lead. Through the liberation and exercise of reason, humanity has achieved more in the last three centuries than in all of its history. We have birthed modern science, we have conquered ancient diseases, we have freed people from poverty and starvation, we have triggered the information age, and we have made the world a better and brighter place.
We are heirs to the age of reason, locked in a struggle for hearts and minds over this very matter, a struggle whose outcome might well determine the fate of our civilization and this globe. We dare not walk away from this battle, and we cannot allow fanatics to drag parts of the world into a dark age of ignorance and fear, degradation and servitude, disrespect for women, and prejudice and contempt for those with whom there is disagreement.
We are not in a battle against religion, because, as we have seen in the lives of some of the greatest men and women of our age, there is no necessary conflict between reason and faith. But we are indeed in a fight for our future, and it is this fight to which we must dedicate ourselves.
Combating the New Totalitarianism
How, then, should the United States combat its current ideological foes?
First, we should encourage more Muslim scholars and clerics to make clear to the world—especially the Muslim world—that extremist Islamism is not Islam, but a politicized perversion. We must also help amplify the voices of scholars and clerics that have already been raised, making sure their message is heard throughout the world
Second, we should make clear that we ourselves understand that radical Islamism is not true Islam because we recognize its poisonous roots only too well, having opposed them in World War II and throughout the Cold War. We must emphasize how these roots can be traced to the West's own backyard, to ideologies that deify the state, threatening mainstream Islam as well as Western democracy. And we must fight radical Islamist ideology as we fought its Western predecessors, with a complete array of tools, including developmental and humanitarian assistance to despairing people and nations that remain vulnerable to the terrorists' message.
Third, as an alternative to this radical tyranny, we should continue our efforts to support democracy and the rule of law throughout the Muslim world and across the globe. In this sense, we must stress that the embrace of democracy, when coupled with respect for rule of law, need not be inimical to Islam. On the contrary, the principle of rule of law squares with Islam's understanding that no reign—including that of the majority—should be absolute because no ruler is divine. Democracy makes room for precedent and tradition, holds rulers accountable, and empowers constructive reform not destructive revolution. Understood in this way, it can fit with mainstream Islam.
The experience of Muslims in the United States provides a powerful affirmation of this assertion. For generations, Muslims have flourished under democracy in our country. They have practiced their religion freely, expressed their ideas openly, pursued education and careers productively, and passed along their faith to their children successfully. This testifies to the U.S. commitment to honor and respect the adherents of all religions, including Islam, and suggests that the practice of Islam is compatible with the existence of free societies and governments.
Can stable Muslim democracies emerge? They show signs of having emerged in countries like Malaysia and Indonesia. They are struggling to emerge in Iraq and Afghanistan. What we are witnessing might not be Jeffersonian democracy, but it may not have to be. Different cultures can and will produce distinct versions of democratic governance. Time will tell whether democracy will spread.
In the end, if we wish to defeat terrorism, our course is clear. We must confront and expose its demonic ideology, which sacrificed more than 100 million human beings to fascism and Marxism in the last century and demands further sacrifices today. As we do, we can offer a more hopeful vision—one that represents the best and not the worst that our civilization can offer.
PREVENTION
3
Securing the Border—and
Reforming Immigration
IMMIGRATION is a source of tremendous strength for our country, but it can also be a source of great division and even confusion for Americans. Talk of immigration tends to stir powerful emotions, provoke strong responses, and generate equal amounts of heat and light in our political discourse.
Most Americans do seem to agree on one thing: they want something done about illegal immigration. They are tired of decades of lip service, inaction, and broken promises. Not surprisingly, they have grown cynical about the federal government's willingness to act. Given the serious threat posed by terrorism in the post-9/11 world, they fear the consequences of perceived inaction at our borders.
In the summer of 2007, Congress stood on the verge of passing comprehensive immigration reform that, for the first time in decades, would have given the federal government new tools and resources to protect the border and our homeland, enforce immigration laws, and create new channels to boost legal migration through temporary worker programs and improved paths to citizenship.1 The bill's provisions included a measure to bring millions of undocumented workers into a legal, regulated status—provided they pay a fine and go to the back of the line to wait their turn. Proponents of the bill, including the Bush administration, believed this would have solved one of the major challenges of immigration enforcement: combating the economic draw that encourages people to risk life and limb to cross the border. Equally important, it would have freed law enforcement to focus more fully on truly dangerous individuals, including gang members, drug and human traffickers, and potential terrorists.
Unfortunately, the Senate voted down the legislation. Among the key causes for the bill's failure was skepticism that the federal government was serious about securing the border and enforcing the law. Too many years of unchecked illegal migration had created a credibility problem. In the eyes of its detractors, comprehensive immigration reform would only result in further illegal immigration while rewarding those who had already broken the law.
To help restore credibility and create a path for future reform efforts, the administration put forward a set of 26 measures designed to immediately address existing immigration