20R.F. Foster, Paddy and Mr Punch: Connections in Irish and English History (London, 1993), p. 265.
21Lyons, Dillon, p. 206.
22Meleady, Redmond: the Parnellite, chapter 12.
23In late 1916, William Martin Murphy, the proprietor of the Irish Independent, a kinsman and sympa thizer with Healy, and by then a bitter political antagonist of Redmond, judged that ‘Redmond’s cardinal mistake as a Leader was made soon after his election, when he failed to assert himself. He had spent nearly a decade in the wilderness, with only a handful of followers, estranged from the bulk of the Party whom he was thenceforth to lead. He probably did not realize that they wanted a leader even more than he wanted a following. He did not know the strength of his position, with the result that he allowed himself to fall under the domination of others….’ W.M. Murphy to James O’Connor KC, 11 Dec. 1916, RP Ms. 15,209 (3).
24John J. Horgan, Review of Stephen Gwynn’s John Redmond’s Last Years in Studies, March 1920, pp. 139–141.
25Pat O’Brien MP to Frank Sheehy-Skeffington, 4 May 1907, Sheehy-Skeffington Papers, Ms. 21,618; D. Gwynn, Life, p. 27.
26Redmond to John O’Callaghan, 26 Apr. 1901, RP Ms. 15,213 (3).
27Stephen Gwynn, John Redmond’s Last Years (London, 1919), pp. 36–40. The journalist Francis Cruise O’Brien, a member of the Young Ireland Branch of the UIL, would write of Redmond in 1910: ‘There is nothing whatever of the crowd about Mr Redmond. He is always the aristocrat in politics, always essentially the gentleman… He has often listened to bitter attack, and he passed it by; he has endured unfair criticism, and heard undeserved sneers, and the blame of misunderstanding men, and he has borne all in silence. There is no childish petulancy about the man, no undignified hysteria, but a proud calm and a belief that in his own heart is his highest critic. He has the reserve… not merely of a proud, but also of a strong man…’ The Leader, 26 Feb. 1910.
28Joseph Devlin to Redmond, 20 May, Redmond to Devlin, 22 May 1905, RP Ms., 15,181 (1); Patrick Maume, The Long Gestation: Irish Nationalist Life 1891–1918 (Dublin, 1999), pp. 76–7. Maume’s book marshals a breathtaking array of sources to analyze the inner workings of the Irish Party/UIL machinery (and much else of Irish life).
29Padraig Yeates, Lockout: Dublin 1913 (Dublin, 2000), p. 45.
30Maume, Long Gestation, p. 77.
31F.S.L. Lyons, The Irish Parliamentary Party 1890–1910 (London, 1951), pp. 162–179.
32Of the new intake, only Joseph Devlin, first elected at thirty-one for Kilkenny North in 1902, who would later dominate nationalist politics in his native Belfast and nationalist Ulster generally, made it into the party’s inner circle; the others were Redmond (forty-four in 1901), Dillon (fifty in 1901) and T.P. O’Connor (fifty-two in 1901). Lyons, Parliamentary Party, pp. 158–161.
33Redmond to O’Callaghan, 26 Apr. 1901, RP Ms. 15,213 (3).
34Terence Denman, A lonely grave: the life and death of William Redmond (Dublin, 1995), p. 57; Richard P. Davis, Arthur Griffith and Non-Violent Sinn Féin (Dublin, 1974), p. 38.
35MacBride received 427 votes to 2,401 for John O’Donnell, the Irish Party candidate. Griffith’s paper United Irishman presented the by-election as ‘The Gold of the Jews against the Irish Brigade’ – a reference to William O’Brien’s wealthy Russian Jewish wife, Sophie Raffalovich – and enlarged on its anti-Semitic theme: ‘Just as the Gold of the Jews was lavished, and continues to be lavished, by the French Dreyfusites, in assailing the French Army, that constant terror of England, so even in the Irish West, the same foreign and filthy money is being lavished in assailing the Irish Transvaal Brigade.’ United Irishman, 24 Feb. 1900. For Griffith’s moderation of his anti-Semitism after 1910, and the more enduring bigotry of some of his contemporaries, see Manus O’Riordan, GAA Founder No Blooming Anti-Semite!, on the website An Fear Rua – the GAA Unplugged!, http://www.anfearrua.com/story.asp?id=2126 and http://www.anfearrua. com/story.asp?id=2127 , p. 17; Michael Laffan, The Resurrection of Ireland: The Sinn Féin Party, 1916–1923 (Cambridge, 1999), pp. 232–3; Maume, Long Gestation, pp. 34–5.
36Maume, Long Gestation, pp. 90–91, 108.
37United Irishman, 3 Feb. 1900.
38Ibid., 10 Feb. 1900. For the February 1895 Cambridge Union speech, which called complete separation of Ireland from England ‘undesirable and impossible’, and advanced the vision of a self-governing Ireland within an evolved Empire of devolved parliaments, see Meleady, Redmond, pp. 244–5.
39O’Callaghan to Redmond, 14 May 1900, 3 Jan, 8 Feb. 1901, RP Ms. 15,213 (1, 3). Redmond, in an effort to broaden his base of support in 1897, had cultivated close relations with Devoy, but these had ended when he embraced reunification with the anti-Parnellites, seen by Devoy as politically bankrupt. Meleady, Redmond, pp. 279–80, 315.
40Blake had been successively premier of Ontario (1871–2), Minister of Justice in the Liberal Canadian Government (1875–7) and leader of Canada’s Liberal Party (1880–7). He withdrew from Canadian politics in 1890 and moved to Ireland, where he served as an anti-Parnellite MP from 1892 and an MP in the reunited Irish Party (1900–07). For a summary of his career, see Ronan O’Brien, An Irishman’s Diary, The Irish Times, 13 Aug. 2007.
41‘Memorandum on Sessional Work’ from Blake to Redmond, 17 Dec. 1900, RP Ms. 15,170 (2).
42I.D.I., 19 Feb. 1901.
43Philip Bull, Land, Politics and Nationalism (Dublin, 1996), p. 109.
44Bull,