Silk, Slaves, and Stupas. Susan Whitfield

Michon (2015: 114).

      31. Joe Cribb, pers. comm., May 2, 2016. Cribb also states that “the momentum of money is represented through the continuity of design. For money to continue to circulate it has to have some resemblance to pre-existing forms of money” (2009: 498) and that the debate on legitimacy has “obscured for many the primary function of the designs to enable the coin to be issued and used as money” (503).

      32. “The copper coinage derived from silver and copper coinages of North India, Pakistan and Afghanistan current in the first century AD” (Bracey 2012: 188). Michon argues that the coins were part of a “process of ‘imaginative remaking’ of who he [Kujula Kadphises] was and who the Kuei-shang [Yuezhi] were” (2015: 130–31). Cribb argues that their diversity was to enable the coins to circulate rather than to assert legitimacy (see note 31).

      33. Bracey (2009).

      34. Falk (2015: 105–9). He further argues that the Kushan use of devaputra (son of god) to describe themselves was, at least in part, influenced by the use of divi filius on the coins of Augustus (107).

      35. For a summary of discussions on this and alternative views, see Bracey (2009) and Falk (2015: 105–9).

      36. Bracey (2009).

      37. Göbl (1970).

      38. Bracey (2012).

      39. Bracey (2009).

      40. As does Rosenfield, for example, when he writes, “It is difficult to imagine how the Kushans paid for the raw metal” (2009: 21).

      41. Pliny the Elder, Natural History 6.26, trans. Bostock (1855).

      42. Rosenfield (1967: 21).

      43. Falk (2015). Marshall (1951: vol. 2:620) suggested sources in Dardistan and Tibet.

      44. For the treasure, see Sarianidi (1985). For the archaeologist’s assertion that this was an early dynastic necropolis of the Kushan, see Sarianidi (1990–92: 103).

      45. See S. Peterson (2017: 47–58) for a review of the evidence, including recent studies of the coins.