In Chapter 3, I show how third world internationalism—often mischaracterized as simply ethnic nationalism—among Blacks and Chicanos culminated differently in LA than in other parts of the country for demographic and historical reasons, and resulted in a moment of radical transformation in the meanings of race and community, despite the material and ideological divisions engendered by the disbursement of funds in LA from the War on Poverty. This chapter underscores themes of solidarity among working-class minorities, such as coalitions between Réies López Tijerina and the Los Angeles chapter of the Black Panther Party; between La Raza groups and the LA Black Congress; and among working-class organizations and churches in South Los Angeles. It also examines the divisions engendered by local and national developments in the realms of racial and cultural politics. I use the music and performances of WAR and The Mixtures to demonstrate the complexity of interracial politics and memory in the midst of changing racial and spatial identifications. I show how some of the most significant articulations emerged from interethnic coalitions, which held city officials and the federal government accountable for the rights of poor people and workers.
Chapter 4 examines Chicano, Latino, and Black punk music, arguing that the emergence of a multifaceted resistance in the 1980s is akin to what Louis Althusser (in another context) has called “teeth gritting harmony.”35 In the 1970s and 1980s, supply-side economics exacted devastating fiscal damages upon working-class people. In response, a radical new cultural form emerged. Punk music and its subcultures created new categories of identity through dreams of colorless solidarity, but in the process predicated these categories upon a color-blind anarchy that demanded the subversion of all other forms of identity before it. One of the most illustrative examples of the articulation of the right to retain spatial and cultural identities rooted in meaningful history is registered in the cultural creations of Black and Latino punk musicians and their audiences from the late 1970s to the 1990s.
These punk subcultures reveal more than the damaging effects of economic downsizing and deindustrialization upon communities of color: they reveal new social identities adopted under the press of damaging social realities. These punk musicians and participants created a liminal space where new social relations were possible.
In Chapter 5, I show how the militarization of urban space, anti-immigration policies, loss of assets, and disenfranchisement all contribute to what I term “spatial immobilization” among the black and Latino urban poor.36 I explore the ways that Black–Brown-led movements have countered that immobilization since the 1990s, and I consider the spatial entitlements expressed and enacted by cultural workers and social activists.
Struggles for freedom and equality currently engaged by multiracial social justice movements emerge from the enduring historical relevance of Black–Brown spatial struggles and coalitional politics. It is a past whose legacy has too much power to remain unacknowledged and unexamined, particularly as evidence of what cultural workers and community activists have already accomplished on the road to a just future.
History has shown that the record of interracial coalitional politics can be as demoralizing as it is powerful. The social problems and internal tensions that plague us in separate struggles can feel—and be—more complex when we form movements and share dreams with other collectives. If we wish to envision and enact a future in which mutual and separate struggles will come to just fruition, we have to rewrite the story we’ve been told about who we are and about our value to each other. Many of the activists and cultural workers whose stories comprise this book testified brilliantly to that future in their practice of coalitional politics, but those of us who are subjected to the constant characterization of Black–Brown relations as unproductive have forgotten that this future has a past.
The roots of universal solidarity, as Lorraine Hansberry wrote, are here. They are realized in the actions and cultural productions of freedom seekers around the world. Even when struggles for human dignity and social justice take place in one locale in which all participants work and live, they increasingly take on radical practices exchanged across figurative and regional borders. The articulation of spatial entitlements by cultural workers, activists, and ordinary people flow from the knowledge that meaningful space is essential for the survival of communities, but also for the discursive practices encoding the stories that define and redefine who people are, where they fit into the world, and what they envision for the future. Like the practice of beat juggling, this book benefits from the rich repository of histories and cultural productions enacted by Black and Brown people, tries to find where expressive culture links up with radical struggle, and presents one version of a critical historiography of Black–Brown spatial struggle and cultural expression in postwar Los Angeles.
NOTES
1. McKissack, Pat, and Fredrick L. McKissack. Young, Black, and Determined: A Biography of Lorraine Hansberry. New York: Holiday House, 1998.
2. Kelley, Robin D.G. Race Rebels: Culture, Politics, and the Black Working Class. New York: Free Press, 1996, p. 56; James C. Scott describes infrapolitics as circumspect struggles “waged daily by subordinate groups [which] like infrared rays, [are] beyond the visible end of the spectrum. That [they] should be invisible . . . is in large part by design—is a tactical choice born of a prudent awareness of the balance of power.” Scott, James C. Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990, p. 183.
3. Abu-Lughod, Lila. “The Romance of Resistance: Tracing Transformations of Power through Bedouin Women.” American Ethnologist 17, no. 1 (1990): 55; Kelley, Robin D.G. Race Rebels: Culture, Politics, and the Black Working Class. New York: Free Press, 1996, p. 8.
4. Smith, Rogers M. Civic Ideals: Conflicting Visions of Citizenship in U.S. History. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997, pp. 30–31.
5. Ibid., pp. 33, 34.
6. Dred Scott v. Sanford 60 U.S. 393 (1857).
7. SB 1070 requires the police to “detain people they reasonably suspect are in the country without authorization and to verify their status with federal officials, unless doing so would hinder an investigation or emergency medical treatment. It also makes it a state crime—a misdemeanor—to not carry immigration papers. In addition, it allows people to sue local government or agencies if they believe federal or state immigration law is not being enforced.” Archibold, Randal C. “Arizona Enacts Stringent Law on Immigration” New York Times, April 23, 2010.
8. HB 87 required police officers to check people arrested for certain crimes, permitting them to retain these people if the person taken into custody is found to be undocumented. It made it a crime to “knowingly and intentionally” transport or harbor any undocumented immigrants. Lastly, it made it mandatory for any company that employs more than 10 workers to use the E-Verify system to check the immigration status of potential employees. In June 2011, a federal judge blocked major parts of the law, finding them unconstitutional.
9. HB 56 allows local police to check the immigration status of people stopped for other crimes, requires public school officials to collect data on the number of illegal immigrants enrolling, and forbids illegal immigrants from entering into private contracts or conducting any business with the state. Gomez, Alan. “In Wake of Immigration Law, Some Migrants Return to Alabama.” USA Today, February 20, 2012.
10. Williams, Patricia J. The Alchemy of Race and Rights. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1991.
11. Fraser, Nancy. Unruly Practices: Power, Discourse, and Gender in Contemporary Social Theory. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1989, p. 164. Rachel Buff’s remarkable dissertation, Calling Home was of invaluable assistance to me in understanding the arguments against citizenship as a category of analysis.
12. Here I invoke Earl Lewis’s important work on the way in which Blacks turned the limits of segregation into vital forms of congregation. Lewis, Earl. In Their Own Interests: Race, Class, and