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Early Medieval Jewish Policy, p. 27, acknowledges the anti-Jewish character of this policy.

      13. Gregory, Eplstulae 4.31, CCSL 140:251 (Simonsohn, ASJD, 492–1404, pp. 10–11).

      14. Ibid. 5.7, CCSL 140:273–74 (Simonsohn, ASJD, 492–1404, pp. 11–12).

      15. Ibid. 8.23, CCSL 140 A:543–44 (Simonsohn, ASJD, 492–1404, pp. 14–15).

      16. Ibid. 1.66.

      17. Ibid. 13.1, CCSL 140 A:991–93 (Simonsohn, ASJD, 492–1404, pp. 22–23); cf.also 3.37. I am grateful to Bernard McGinn for confirming the originality of this Gregorian description of the Antichrist.

      18. Ibid. 3.37, CCSL 140:182–83 (Simonsohn, ASJD, 492–1404, pp 8–9); see also 2.45, 4.9, 4.21, 6.29–30, 7.21, 8.21, 9.105, 9.214, 9.216. On Gregory's slave policy, see Blumenkranz, Juifs et Chrétiens, pp. 202–6, 328–29; Pakter, Medieval Canon Law, pp.91ff.; and Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews: History, pp. 160–62.

      19. See the discussion of Bachrach, Early Medieval Jewish Policy, pp. 36–37, 156 nn. 58–60, about whether Gregory neglected the more stringent provisions of Justinian's legislation, enforcing only the more lenient statutes of the Codex theododianus; and cf. Juster, Les Juifs duns 1'Empire romain, 2:71–77, and Blumenkranz, juifs et Chrétiens, p.328f. See also below, n. 46.

      20. Gregory, Epistulae 9.214, 9.216, CCSL 140 A:774–75, 779 (Simonsohn, ASJD, 492–1404, pp. 20–21).

      21. Bachrach, Early Medieval Jewish Policy, p. 38.

      22. Gregory, Homiliae in Hiezechihelem 1.2.1O-13, 1.12.1; M oralia in Job18.31.50–18.32.51, 27.27.51–27.28.52, 29.28.55.

      23. Gregory, Moralia 9.28.44, see also 2.30.49–2.36.59, 30.9.32; cf. Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews: History, p. 294, who claims that Gregory blamed only the Pharisees for the crime of deicide.

      24. Gregory, Moralia 9.28.44.

      25. Ibid. 4.11.21, CCSL 143:178; see also 6.19.34, 14.53.62, and Homilra in Euangelia2.22.3.

      26. Gregory, Homiliae in Hiezechihelem 1.6.2–6, 1.10.16; Moralia10.29.48, 11.19.30, 14.29.34, 14.39.47, 20.15.40, 27.14.26, 30.1.2–3, 33.28.49, 33.33.57. Gregory's comparison of the Jews to Isaac echoes the Augustinian motif cited above, chapter 1, n. 21.

      27. Gregory, Moralia 6.4.5, CCSL 143:287, alluding to the armatus of Job 5:5 see also 1.36.51, 6.1.1, 9.28.44, 18.30.47, 27.26.49, 29.30.58, 30.25.72.

      28. Ibid. 11.16.25, CCSL 143 A:600–601.

      29. Gregory, Homiliae in Hiezechihelem 1.1 2.6; Expositiones in librum primum Regum 3.5; Moralia 2.2.2, 2.36.59, 7.8.8–11, 11.41.55, 18.38.59–18.39.61, 21.2.5, 22.18.44.

      30. Gregory, Moralia 9.33.49, CCSL 14g:qgo.

      31. Gregory, Expositiones in librum primum Regum3.5; Homiliae in Hiezechihelem1.2.10–13, 1.12.6; Moralia 9.5.5, 27.14.26, 27.28.52, 33.3.7.

      32. Gregory, Expositiones in librum primum Regum 2.49; Moralia 9.6.6.

      33. Gregory, Expositiones in librum primum Regum 3.5; Moralia 6.21.36–6.22.37, 18.30.47.

      34. Gregory, Moralia 9.5.5, CCSL 143:458–59; cf. praef. 5.12.

      35. Ibid. 35.14.24–34 (quotation from 27, CCSL 143 B:1791–92); see also praef.10.20, 9.8.9, 19.12.19, 20.22.48, 27.14.26, 29.2.4, 30.9.32.

      36. Ibid. 31.23.42, CCSL 143 B:1578.

      37. See above, n. 17.

      38. Gregory, Moralia 25.16.34, 27.26.49–50, 33.33.57, 34.4.8.

      39. Gregory, Homiliae in Hiezechihelem 1.12.7.

      40. Gregory, Moralia 31.22.41, CCSL 143B:1578; see the lengthy description of the future works of Antichrist in books 33–34.

      41. Katz, “Pope Gregory the Great,” p. 119; Parkes, Conflict, p. 219.

      42. Robert A. Markus, “Gregory the Great and a Papal Missionary Strategy,”in The Mission of the Church and the Propagation of the Faith, ed. G. J. Cuming, SCH 6 (Cambridge, England, 197o), p. 30; and Dahan, Les Intellectuels chrétiens, p. 138.

      43. Parkes, Conflict, pp. 219–21; Baron, Social and Religious History, 3:24z n. 33.

      44. Kenneth R. Stow, “Hatred of the Jews or Love of the Church: Papal Policy toward the Jews in the Middle Ages,” in Antisemittsm through the Ages, ed. Shmuel Almog, trans. Nathan H. Reisner (Oxford, 1988), pp. 74–76; and Rosemary R. Ruether, Faith and Fratricide: The Theological Roots of Anti-Semitism(New York, 1974), p. 200.

      45. See above, chapter 1, nn. 22, 24.

      46. As quoted above, n. 7. This appears to be the only instance where Gregory qualified leges with the adjective romanae. Usually he wrote of Roman statutes simply as leges; see Thesaurus Sancti Gregorii Magni, Series A (formae), comp. Justin Mossay and Bernard Coulie, Corpus Christianorum-Thesaurus Patrum Latinorum, (Turnhout, Belgium, 1986), microfiche pp. 10106–7, 10114. Both Bachrach, Early Medieval JewishPollcy, pp. 35–38, and Baltrusch, “Gregor der Grosse,”have argued persuasively that Gregory's protection of the Jews actually exceeded the limits of both the Codex theodosianus and Justinian's Corpus iuris civilis, in fact contravening their restrictive statutes. In emphasizing that the leges of which he wrote were in fact romanae, might Gregory have recognized the uncertainty of the justification for his ruling of Sicut Iudaeis?

      47. Cf. Stow, “Hatred of the Jews,” p. 74, and Alienated Minorrty, pp. 23–24.

      48. See above, chapter 1, n. 36.

      49. See above, chapter 1, n. 49.

      50. Gregory, Epistulae 13.13, CCSL 140 A:10.

      51. See the citations adduced by Bernhard Blumenkranz, Die Judenpredigt Augustins (Basel, 1946), pp. 110–12.

      52. Gregory, Expositiones in librum primum Regum 1.92, CCSL 144:107–8; cf. Richard Kenneth Emmerson, Antichrist in the Middle Ages: A Study of Medieval Apocalypticistn, Art, and Literature(Seattle, Wash., 1981), p. 79.

      53. Although I quote at length in the ensuing discussion from the most recent extensivestudy of Gregorian theology, Carole Straw, Gregory the Great: Perfection in Imperfection(Berkeley, Calif., 1988), readers should also recognize my debt to the contributions of other authors. These include Claude Dagens, Saint Greégoire le Grand: Cultureet expe'rience chrétiennes (Paris, 1977); Jeffrey Richards, consul of God: The Life and Times of Gregory the Great (London, 1980); William D. McReady, Signs of Sanctity: Miracles in the Thought of Gregory the Great, Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studi-Studies and Texts 91 (Toronto, 1989); Robert A. Markus, “The Sacred and the Secular: From Augustine to Gregory the Great,” Journal of Theological Studres, n.s. 36 (1985), 84–96, and The End of Ancient Chréstianity (Cambridge, England, 1990); and Judith Herrin, The Formation of Christendom (Princeton, N.J., 1987), chap. 4.

      54. Straw, Gregory, pp. 9–11.

      55. Tilrnann Buddensieg, “Gregory the Great, the Destroyer of Pagan Idols: The History of a Medieval Legend Concerning the Decline of Ancient Art and Architecture,” journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 28 (1965), 44–65. Among others, seealso Richards, Consul of God, chap. 4; Marc Reydellet, La Royauté duns la litétraturelatine de Sidone Apollinaire à Isidore de Séville,Bibliothèque des écoles françaises d'Athènes et de Rome 243 (Rome, 1981), chap. 9; Pierre Riché,