The Rise of the G.I. Army, 1940-1941. Paul Dickson. Читать онлайн. Newlib. NEWLIB.NET

Автор: Paul Dickson
Издательство: Ingram
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Жанр произведения: Историческая литература
Год издания: 0
isbn: 9780802147684
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force; it was no match for the heavily armored German divisions. Those who had advocated replacing horses with tanks and other armored vehicles during the period between the wars had actually been threatened with punishment. As a young officer, Dwight D. Eisenhower later recalled, when he began arguing for greater reliance on armored divisions, “I was told that my ideas were not only wrong but dangerous and that henceforth I would keep them to myself. Particularly, I was not to publish anything incompatible with solid infantry doctrine. If I did, I would be hauled before a court-martial.”19

      In the late 1930s, a significant number of cavalry officers were becoming increasingly vocal in their opposition to mechanization in general and to any attempt to replace the horse with new combat vehicles, especially armored cars. In 1938, Major General John Herr became the chief of cavalry, and his position was that “mechanization should not come at the expense of a single mounted regiment.”20

      Organizationally, the Army was divided into small sections that hardly ever trained together as larger coherent units because of a lack of funds. The paucity of travel money was underscored in 1938 when Marshall, stationed in the Vancouver Barracks in Washington State near Portland, Oregon, got orders to report for duty in Washington, D.C., as deputy chief of staff. The move precipitated a flow of letters back and forth between Marshall and then chief of staff Craig, discussing whether the funds could be raised to bring Marshall and his family east by train rather than sending them to Washington by military transport and through the Panama Canal. The funds were found, but the point was made that budgetary considerations were debilitating. Commanders billeted with larger units visited smaller units under their command only once a year—and then only if travel money could be found.21

      The officer corps was demoralized because promotions were rare and based primarily on seniority. Army captains, for instance tended to be in their late 30s or early 40s. Many of the better-qualified younger officers had long before left the service.

      Some soldiers wore the flat-brimmed steel doughboy helmets from World War I and carried bolt-action rifles from as far back as the Spanish-American War of the late 1890s. In 1939, supply wagons were still commonly pulled by teams of mules, and heavy artillery was moved by teams of horses. Soldiers’ pay was abysmal—$21 a month for a private, just as it had been in 1922. And expenses were high; if an infantryman wanted a calibrated rifle, he had to buy one from the Army for $35. Men who did not like the Army or the command to which they were assigned could buy their way out for $135 after a year. Transfers from one unit to another were unheard of, and the only way to make a move to another command was to pay the $135 and then reenlist with the unit one wanted.

      The option to purchase one’s discharge coupled with the technical schooling the Army provided was also frustrating the Army’s efforts. Much of its recruiting was based on the premise that an enlistee could learn while he served. Men were joining the Army, acquiring skills, and then buying their way out. Between 1934 and 1938, 30,360 men bought their discharges; approximately 15 percent of them were technical school graduates.22

      Making matters worse, in the early years of Roosevelt’s New Deal policies, all troops were forced to take a mandatory “month without pay,” a flat cut that reduced soldiers’ monthly basic take from $21 to $17.85. Marshall himself defended the troops in a letter posted on April 13, 1934, to Brigadier General Thomas S. Hammond, then commander of the Illinois National Guard’s 66th Infantry Brigade. Marshall wrote of his men:

      They cannot resign; they must present a certain standard of appearance no matter how closely pressed they may be financially; they must accept the added expenses of moves and special service; they constitute the government’s final backing in the event of grave emergencies; they must hazard their lives in the government service, with no choice of resigning if they do not care to serve. Yet on these servants the Federal government imposed its most drastic program of economy, and at a time when it was demanding more of the Army to meet the special requirements of the New Deal, than of any other branch of the government.23

      The month without pay was a temporary measure and later lifted, but to many in the Regular Army the pay cut was a scar that remained. For those paying attention, Marshall had become the voice defending the average Joe who stuck with the Army through thick and thin.

      Some units had better athletic teams and occasionally better food, but there were budgetary limitations. From 1922 until 1927, the government allocated 30 cents per day per man for food, and by 1938 the allocation had inched upward to 43 cents. For most men, potatoes were a staple of the evening meal, along with corn bread, beans, coffee, and a gloppy stew of meat and vegetables known as “slumgullion” or “slum” for short.

      The desertion rate from the Army was not generally made public, but it was not significant; if a soldier went AWOL (absent without leave) and was not found after 90 days, the Army removed him from the rolls, convened an in absentia court-martial, and awarded him a dishonorable discharge. During the period from 1920 to 1932, any civilian law enforcement officer who returned a deserter to the Army was awarded $50; the bounty was reduced to $25 in 1933. Once returned, the offenders served their “bad time” at hard labor on work details, often making “little ones out of big ones”—smashing rocks with a sledgehammer. When they returned to normal duty, the bounty money was deducted from their pay in small amounts each payday until it was paid off.24

      Despite the low pay and limited benefits, the job was a secure one, while work on the outside was often insecure and scarce. By 1932, approximately 13 million Americans were out of work, which amounted to one of every four able and willing workers in the country. Since the infantryman was the civilian labor-market equivalent of an unskilled laborer, not surprisingly the desertion rate reached a low point of 2 percent during these years, despite the reality that most of the Regular Army was housed in flimsy structures erected during the First World War and designed for temporary occupancy.

      The Army that General Marshall inherited in 1939 was one that did not like to enlist married men. If a private or corporal wanted to marry, he had to get permission from his commanding officer, and it was granted only on rare occasions. As Victor Vogel pointed out in Soldiers of the Old Army, his memoir of the prewar Army, “This eliminated a great deal of trouble for the Army and saved the United States a lot of money, because few professional soldiers would give up military service for a wife.”25

      Soldiers were officially discouraged from marrying until they had reached the rank of sergeant. That could easily mean waiting for a decade, because an enlistee served his first three-year enlistment as a private and his second hitch as a private first class, and then he often remained at that rank. Many men who enlisted with an eye to raising a family were long gone from the service before they made sergeant.

      Vogel observed that the pay of the lower ranks was too meager to support a family, and no special benefits covered the expenses incurred by dependents. During the years between the wars, married enlisted men below the rank of sergeant were often forced to live in poverty. “They exist in squalid surroundings, dingy dark, overcrowded rooms where the simplest rules of sanitation and hygiene are difficult if not impossible of accomplishment,” wrote Brigadier General William P. Jackson, commander of Madison Barracks at Sackets Harbor, New York, in a 1931 report on men under his command. He added, about his married men: “Their health, morale, vitality and efficiency is bound to suffer.” Jackson concluded his report by pointing out that his married men became objects of charity, providing this example: “Recently a donation of $19 was made by officers to provide fuel and milk for a new mother and her baby.”26

      This Army of primarily single men lived in barracks on outposts surrounded by honky-tonks, where beer sold for a dime a bottle and “sporting houses” were populated by women who, in Vogel’s words, were “out to fleece as many men as possible in as short a time as possible.” Prostitutes would arrive from the nearby cities on payday and be gone a few days later when the men’s money ran out. Many of the smaller western Army posts of the time were isolated relics of the Indian Wars, held open for political rather than military reasons, that had in some cases devolved into slums in the middle of nowhere.27

      The men entering the Army in the years before the Second World War were generally poorly educated;