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and the parent of the Jewish festival of Purim.[4] Other recently

       discovered parallels to the priestly kings of Aricia are African priests and kings who used to be put to death at the end of seven or of

       two years, after being liable in the interval to be attacked and killed by a strong man, who thereupon succeeded to the priesthood or

       the kingdom.[5]

       [1] J. G. Frazer, "The Killing of the Khazar Kings," Folk-lore, xxviii. (1917), pp. 382-407.

       [2] Rev. J. Roscoe, The Soul of Central Africa (London, 1922), p. 200. Compare J. G. Frazer, &147;The Mackie Ethnological Expedi-

       tion to Central Africa," Man, xx. (1920), p. 181.

       [3] H. Zimmern, Zum babylonischen Neujahrsfest (Leipzig, 1918). Compare A. H. Sayce, in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, July

       1921, pp. 440-442.

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       [4] The Golden Bough, Part VI. The Scapegoat, pp. 354 sqq., 412 sqq.

       [5] P. Amaury Talbot in Journal of the African Society, July 1916, pp. 309 sq.; id., in Folk-lore, xxvi. (1916), pp. 79 sq.; H. R. Palmer,

       in Journal of the African Society, July 1912, pp. 403, 407 sq.

       With these and other instances of like customs before us it is no longer possible to regard the rule of succession to the priesthood

       of Diana at Aricia as exceptional; it clearly exemplifies a widespread institution, of which the most numerous and the most similar

       cases have thus far been found in Africa. How far the facts point to an early influence of Africa on Italy, or even to the existence of

       an African population in Southern Europe, I do not presume to say. The prehistoric historic relations between the two continents

       are still obscure and still under investigation.

       Whether the explanation which I have offered of the institution is correct or not must be left to the future to determine. I shall always be ready to abandon it if a better can be suggested. Meantime in committing the book in its new form to the judgment of the public I desire to guard against a misapprehension of its scope which appears to be still rife, though I have sought to correct

       it before now. If in the present work I have dwelt at some length on the worship of trees, it is not, I trust, because I exaggerate its importance in the history of religion, still less because I would deduce from it a whole system of mythology; it is simply because I could not ignore the subject in attempting to explain the significance of a priest who bore the title of King of the Wood, and one of whose titles to office was the plucking of a bough--the Golden Bough--from a tree in the sacred grove. But I am so far from

       regarding the reverence for trees as of supreme importance for the evolution of religion that I consider it to have been altogether

       subordinate to other factors, and in particular to the fear of the human dead, which, on the whole, I believe to have been probably

       the most powerful force in the making of primitive religion. I hope that after this explicit disclaimer I shall no longer be taxed with

       embracing a system of mythology which I look upon not merely as false but as preposterous and absurd. But I am too familiar with

       the hydra of error to expect that by lopping off one of the monster's heads I can prevent another, or even the same, from sprouting

       again. I can only trust to the candour and intelligence of my readers to rectify this serious misconception of my views by a compari-

       son with my own express declaration.

       J. G. FRAZER.

       1 BRICK COURT, TEMPLE, LONDON, June 1922.

       I. The King of the Wood

       1. Diana and Virbius

       WHO does not know Turner's picture of the Golden Bough? The scene, suffused with the golden glow of imagination in which the divine mind of Turner steeped and transfigured even the fairest natural landscape, is a dream-like vision of the little woodland lake

       of Nemi-- "Diana's Mirror," as it was called by the ancients. No one who has seen that calm water, lapped in a green hollow of the

       Alban hills, can ever forget it. The two characteristic Italian villages which slumber on its banks, and the equally Italian palace whose

       terraced gardens descend steeply to the lake, hardly break the stillness and even the solitariness of the scene. Diana herself might still

       linger by this lonely shore, still haunt these woodlands wild.

       In antiquity this sylvan landscape was the scene of a strange and recurring tragedy. On the northern shore of the lake, right under the precipitous cliffs on which the modern village of Nemi is perched, stood the sacred grove and sanctuary of Diana Nemorensis, or Diana of the Wood. The lake and the grove were sometimes known as the lake and grove of Aricia. But the town of Aricia (the modern La Riccia) was situated about three miles off, at the foot of the Alban Mount, and separated by a steep descent from the lake, which lies in a small crater-like hollow on the mountain side. In this sacred grove there grew a certain tree round which at any time of the day, and probably far into the night, a grim figure might be seen to prowl. In his hand he carried a drawn sword, and he

       kept peering warily about him as if at every instant he expected to be set upon by an enemy. He was a priest and a murderer; and the man for whom he looked was sooner or later to murder him and hold the priesthood in his stead. Such was the rule of the sanctuary. A candidate for the priesthood could only succeed to office by slaying the priest, and having slain him, he retained office till he was

       himself slain by a stronger or a craftier.

       The post which he held by this precarious tenure carried with it the title of king; but surely no crowned head ever lay uneasier, or was visited by more evil dreams, than his. For year in, year out, in summer and winter, in fair weather and in foul, he had to keep his lonely watch, and whenever he snatched a troubled slumber it was at the peril of his life. The least relaxation of his vigilance, the smallest abatement of his strength of limb or skill of fence, put him in jeopardy; grey hairs might seal his death-warrant. To gentle and pious pilgrims at the shrine the sight of him might well seem to darken the fair landscape, as when a cloud suddenly blots the

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       sun on a bright day. The dreamy blue of Italian skies, the dappled shade of summer woods, and the sparkle of waves in the sun, can have accorded but ill with that stern and sinister figure. Rather we picture to ourselves the scene as it may have been witnessed by a belated wayfarer on one of those wild autumn nights when the dead leaves are falling thick, and the winds seem to sing the dirge of the dying year. It is a sombre picture, set to melancholy music--the background of forest showing black and jagged against a lowering and stormy sky, the sighing of the wind in the branches, the rustle of the withered leaves under foot, the lapping of the cold

       water on the shore, and in the foreground, pacing to and fro, now in twilight and now in gloom, a dark figure with a glitter of steel at the shoulder whenever the pale moon, riding clear of the cloud-rack, peers down at him through the matted boughs.

       The strange rule of this priesthood has no parallel in classical antiquity, and cannot be explained from it. To find an explanation we must go farther afield. No one will probably deny that such a custom savours of a barbarous age, and, surviving into imperial times, stands out in striking isolation from the polished Italian society of the day, like a primaeval rock rising from a smooth-shaven lawn. It is the very rudeness and barbarity of the custom which allow us a hope of explaining it. For recent researches into the early history

       of man have revealed the essential similarity with which, under many superficial differences, the human mind has elaborated its first crude philosophy of life. Accordingly, if we can show that a barbarous custom, like that of the priesthood of Nemi, has existed elsewhere; if we can detect the motives which led to its institution; if we can prove that these motives have operated widely, perhaps universally, in human society, producing in varied circumstances a variety of institutions specifically different but generically alike; if we can