From the moment Porter had finished his report on the emergency, the discussion had been hot and heavy, and the premiers were still arguing, pounding the table and shouting at each other when their local interests clashed.
As never before, the Prime Minister could see the weakness of Canada’s constitution, created in 1867. Regional differences had been strong then, too, and the provinces which had joined together to form Canada had seen to it that under the terms of Confederation they would retain much of the legislative authority, particularly over the natural resources within their own boundaries.
Under the American federal system, the powers of the states had been made secondary to the power of the Congress in all areas of national interest. Thus the President could deal from strength in this war of intimidation, while the Prime Minister had the difficult job of bringing the premiers to a consensus in support of his position.
Robert Porter was tired. Time was running out. He had to rally his strength and bring the meeting to a conclusion. In a firm voice he broke into the heated discussion. “Miss Cameron, gentlemen! I wonder if I might attempt to sum up where we stand. It’s nearly seven o’clock. Most of you have travelled a long way today under trying circumstances. I’m sure you’d like to have dinner, talk with your people back home, and get ready for the briefing tomorrow morning.
“I’ve given you the wording of the resolution to be presented in the House formally tomorrow. Listening to your remarks, it seems, at the moment at least, that five of you will likely favour accepting the ultimatum and five will be for rejecting it.
“May I suggest that each of you let me have your decision before I rise to conclude the debate in the House tomorrow afternoon so that I will have your viewpoint before me. Arrangements will be made to have your opinions delivered to me. A special section in the Spectators’ Gallery opposite my seat will be reserved for you and a page will be assigned to carry your messages.”
The Premier of Manitoba, Boris Wegeruk, broke in. “If I give you my opinion on what should be done with the ultimatum, Prime Minister, I’m not sure I want it made public or referred to in the House.”
That drew a retort from Stewart Andrews, Premier of Alberta. “Look, if you’re going to take a position, take it so that the members of the House and the people of your province know what you’re thinking. This is the time to stand up and be counted, Boris!”
The Prime Minister said, “Why don’t we leave it this way — if you don’t want me to refer to your position in the House, let me know.”
Margaret Cameron put it right on the line. She looked at the Prime Minister with animosity, her dark eyes flashing. She was a vital and dynamic woman, intellectually far superior to most in the room. Robert Porter found her stimulating as an adversary as well as tremendously attractive physically.
She said heatedly, “So far as I am concerned, Prime Minister, and so far as Nova Scotia is concerned, we’ll take a stand on this issue and you can let anybody in the world know what our position is. These people”—she waved her hands in a sweeping gesture at Boris Wegeruk —“from the West who are too frightened to tell it like it is are not living up to their responsibilities as Canadians and as leaders in their own provinces.
“For that matter, Prime Minister, you’ve been hedging on this issue too. Where do you stand?”
The Prime Minister laughed. “You may not agree with me, Margaret, but I’ve decided to keep an open mind for the moment. I want to hear what you people have to say and what the Cabinet wants to do, and what the people of the country think, before I give my opinion publicly. Obviously I have very strong feelings myself, and I’ve been under a great deal of pressure from the Cabinet to make my position known even before the debate. But I’m sorry, I simply will not take that approach.”
He waited for a biting response, but Margaret Cameron simply shrugged her shoulders, sat back in her chair, and said nothing.
“Now let me see if I can sum up where I think you all stand. Miss Cameron of Nova Scotia, Mr. Renault of New Brunswick, Mr. MacGregor of Prince Edward Island, and Mr. Tallman of Newfoundland are of the view that the American ultimatum should be accepted. They feel that the long history of Maritime connection with the United States has forged a bond that is too strong to be broken. More importantly, the substantially lower level of the economy of their provinces, combined with a widespread feeling that they continue to get the short end of the stick from Ottawa, makes them unwilling to risk the effects of American economic sanctions.
“On the other side of the country, Mr. Ramsay of British Columbia feels that his province, with its emphasis on resource industries, has had traditionally close ties with Washington and California, its major trading partners to the south, and that it too has been remote from Central Canada and Ottawa. He feels that to attract economic sanctions by telling the Americans they can’t have the natural gas to which they feel entitled would be sheer folly.
“Premiers Charbonneau of Quebec and Michael Harvey of Ontario, and the premiers of the other western provinces, Mr. Wegeruk of Manitoba, Mr. Lipson of Saskatchewan, and Mr. Andrews of Alberta, all favour flat rejection of the ultimatum. Indeed, Mr. Andrews of Alberta has put forward the strong recommendation that we should tell the United States that unless the ultimatum is withdrawn we will begin a program of counter-sanctions immediately. Specifically, he proposes that we threaten to cut off our current supply of gas and oil to the United States. In my view, this is an unselfish and statesmanlike proposal. Alberta has by far the biggest stake in this situation. Together with Saskatchewan, they already provide vast quantities of gas and oil to the American market. And yet they are prepared to accept the economic consequences of the counter-sanction.”
Andrews, on the Prime Minister’s left, broke in. “Prime Minister, what you say is right. We in Alberta have by far the biggest stake in the counter-sanction. If it goes into effect, our market for oil and gas goes right down the drain, and so does our entire provincial economy. But let me tell you that we are Canadians first, and Albertans second. So far as my government and the people of Alberta are concerned, this is a sacrifice we’re ready to make.”
The Prime Minister paused briefly and then continued. “Well, gentlemen, Miss Cameron, while we seem to be evenly split on the matter of the ultimatum, I take it you are all agreed that we should start to fight back by counter-sanction.”
There was a general murmur of assent.
“Very well, then, I’ll advise the President immediately.”
Consett Head, Melville Island
5:40 p.m., CDT
As they entered the main building of the Polar Gas Study base camp, Magnusson said, “I know there’s a lot riding on the test tomorrow. I hope we don’t let you down, Mr. President.”
Ten members of the staff had gathered in the reception room. After appropriate introductions and a few minutes’ conversation, Magnusson said, “Mr. President, I wonder if I might drag you away from these people and show you the model of our system? I’ve ordered a real Texas steak for you — rare. It should be ready in about fifteen minutes.”
“That sounds fine.” The President nodded, thanked the group, and accompanied Magnusson down a long hall into a briefing room complete with a blackboard, motion picture and slide projectors. At the front of the room were scale models of the experimental under-water under-ice pipeline crossing. Magnusson said, “Sir, if you’d like to sit on that stool, I’ll explain the set-up to you.”
The President dutifully perched on the stool next to the models and said, “Harold, what I really need before you start is a large bourbon and soda. It’s long past that time of day. I’ve got to have something to keep the old pump going.”
Magnusson ordered two bourbon-and-sodas from the canteen bar and then began.
“Please ask me any questions that come to your mind, Mr. President.”
“Sure will.”
“The